Alt-Right Gangs And White Power Youth Groups- Criminology - Oxford Bibliographies

Alt-Right Gangs and White Power Youth
Groups
Matthew Valasik, Shannon E. Reid
LAST MODIFIED: 24 MAY 2018
DOI: 10.1093/OBO/9780195396607-0243
Introduction
Gang scholars for the last three decades have explicitly excluded youths who are active, overtly or implicitly, in white
supremacy groups (e.g., neo-Nazis; racist skinheads; white separatists, nationalists, and identitists; the Alternative Right
[referred to as “Alt-Right”]) from conventional street gang studies. More recently, gang scholars, however, have suggested that
street gangs and white supremacy groups are more analogous to each other than originally thought. Inconsistently designating
these White Power groups and making ad hoc decisions to include or exclude them from a gang study has impaired
researchers, law enforcement, and policymakers and left them not only ill-equipped for understanding the risk factors
impacting white supremacists but also disadvantaged for determining which intervention strategy is best to employ. As of 2017,
a new wave of culture wars and identity politics has taken hold in the United States and throughout Europe with a growing
concern by scholars and policymakers with the radicalization of individuals into these violent groups. The rise of the “Alt-Right”
(a term coined in 2008 by white supremacist Richard Spencer) came about when young, white identitists, a group of
leaderless, loosely organized, tech-savvy millennials, began to use facetious Internet jargon to recast and mainstream their
white supremacist beliefs. A more inclusive characterization acknowledging that a substantial amount of similarity exists
between White Power groups and street gangs is synthesized in the term “Alt-Right gangs.” Adapting the Eurogang definition,
one of most widely adopted and utilized gang definitions, an Alt-Right gang is defined as a durable, public-oriented group
whose adoption of signs and symbols of white separatists, nationalists, and supremacists and involvement in illegal activity is
part of its group identity. This definition incorporates the description by political scientists of the Alt-Right as being a loosely
structured, youth-oriented, right-wing political movement focused on white identity and nationalism with its core remaining a
racist movement. Incorporating such a diverse set of literature into a singular definition provides a broad description that can
be applied in a practical way. In the end, the risk factors driving marginalized youths, perceived or actual, to join a street gang
or an Alt-Right gang are analogous. Just like any street gang, the Alt-Right is not a universal monolith, but rather is composed
of various factions that regularly feud and have conflicts. Removing such restrictive categorizations allows for a broader
understanding of youths involved in these racist groups and can provide scholars and policymakers with prevention,
intervention, and suppression strategies that are not pigeonholed to only a subsample of Alt-Right gang members. This article
addresses a collection of key characteristics that highlight the origins and subculture of White Power youth groups to highlight
the substantial overlap between street gangs and Alt-Right gangs and exposes how well situated gang scholars are to
examine these white supremacist groups.
Definitional Dilemma
Historically, a disconnect exists in the definitional inclusion of Alt-Right gangs within street gang scholarship, as seen in Curry,
et al. 2014; Hamm 1993; and Klein 1995. Papachristos 2005 maintains that no universally agreed-upon definition for a gang
exists; the same has been true for Alt-Right youths. For instance, Hamm 1993, Miller-Idriss 2018, and Simi and Futrell 2015
highlight the subcultural literature’s description of basic ideological beliefs, a distinct clothing style, the influence of hate-based
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music, and the use of particular symbols and signs (e.g., swastikas, SS lightning bolts, and 88, the white supremacist
numerical code for “Heil Hitler”) as central identifiers of these groups. However, Miller-Idriss 2018 and Simi and Futrell 2015
warn that the visible use of such blatant symbols and signs have waned over the years as members have begun to
mainstream their appearance with conventional society. Hamm 1993 and Pyrooz, et al. 2018 remain concerned about the
potential that the ideological beliefs and racist political identity of these groups could facilitate an evolution of these groups into
political terrorists aimed at government overthrow. Simi and Futrell 2015 provides a generalized description of Alt-Right gangs
as a subculture that formed loosely organized groups and synthesized the ideals and symbols of neo-Nazis, meeting regularly
in “free spaces” where members could reify cultural norms and group solidarity and explicitly express themselves. As Pyrooz,
et al. 2018 indicates, such a definition of Alt-Right gangs would clearly fit with the Eurogang definition of a street gang as “any
durable, street oriented youth group whose involvement in illegal activities is part of their group identity” (Weerman, et al. 2009,
p. 20). Klein 1996 and Klein 2001 reversed the author’s earlier exclusion of white supremacy youth groups from street gang
studies and now includes them as a “specialty” type of street gang. However, Curry, et al. 2014 ignores this perspective shift of
inclusion and attests to Alt-Right gangs being diametrically different from convention street gangs. Densley 2013 points out
that street gangs are much more amorphous and dynamic than those traditionally discussed in the gang literature. Simi and
Futrell 2015 warns that such ad hoc decisions to include or exclude Alt-Right gangs from conventional street gang studies
impairs scholars’ ability to understand better the dynamics of these deviant groups. In the end, Papachristos 2005 attests that
Alt-Right gangs and conventional street gangs define themselves through their actions, not by a label given to them by
academics or criminal justice actors.
Curry, G. David, Scott H. Decker, and David C. Pyrooz. 2014. Confronting gangs: Crime and community. 3d ed. New
York: Oxford Univ. Press.
This book provides a readable overview of street gang research, gang policy, and gang responses. White supremacy groups
explicitly are excluded from the authors’ definition of a street gang.
Densley, James A. 2013. How gangs work: An ethnography of youth violence. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Densley utilizes extensive interviews with gang members in the United Kingdom to provide a vivid account of gang life. Places
particular attention on gang organization, recruitment, evolution of gang structures, the use of violence, the role of technology,
and the gang members’ relationship to the drug trade. Emphasizes the notion that gangs are dynamic and exist on a spectrum
that allows them to change over time.
Hamm, Mark S. 1993. American skinheads: The criminology and control of hate crime. Westport, CT: Praeger.
The first criminological examination of skinheads and hate-crime violence. First, Hamm traces the origins of skinhead
subculture and its emergence in the United States. Second, the author discusses sociological perspectives on terrorist youth
subcultures that were used to interpret the findings from the thirty-six skinheads interviewed. The definition used clearly
excludes skinheads from the gang literature. Concludes with a discussion on steps to prevent future skinhead attacks.
Klein, Malcolm W. 1995. The American street gang. New York: Oxford Univ. Press.
In this fundamental book on street gangs, Klein argues that gangs are not some monolithic entity. The author makes an
argument for categorizing and classification of street gangs as a technique to find similarities and differences between groups.
White supremacy groups clearly are excluded from the definition of street gang used. Klein argues that law enforcement and
policymakers have only exasperated the situation through the sole reliance of suppressive tactics.
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Klein, Malcolm W. 1996. Gangs in the United States and Europe. European Journal of Criminal Policy and Research
4.2: 63–80.
Klein examines troublesome youth groups throughout a handful of European countries. The author used a structural typology
to categorize observed groups into a particular type: traditional, neo-traditional, compressed, collective, or specialty. This is the
first acknowledgment by a foundational gang scholar that white supremacy youth groups should be considered a specialty
group in the gang literature.
Klein, Malcolm W. 2001. Resolving the Eurogang paradox. In The Eurogang paradox: Street gangs and youth groups
in the U.S. and Europe. Edited by Malcolm W. Klein, Hans-Jürgen Kerner, Cheryl L. Maxson, and Elmar G. M.
Weitekamp, 7–20. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Kluwer Academic.
Chapter 1 of this book introduces the Eurogang paradox; that is, American-style street gangs do not exist in Europe. Places
particular emphasis on the typologizing of street gangs by using structural patterns of a group as a tool to understand
troublesome youth groups in Europe better.
Miller-Idriss, Cynthia. 2018. The extreme gone mainstream: Commercialization and far right youth culture in Germany.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press.
This unique book examines the mainstreaming and commercialization of far-right youth culture in Germany. The focus is on
the consumption, imagery, and meaning of clothing produced by commercial brands. The central argument contends that
commercialized extremist products provides an avenue for youth achieve belonging and solidarity within a group of like-
minded individuals. These far-right commercialized products also mainstream nationalistic and racist and ideologies resulting
in a medium that can contribute to the radicalization of youth.
Papachristos, Andrew V. 2005. Interpreting inkblots: Deciphering and doing something about modern street gangs.
Criminology & Public Policy 4.3: 643–652.
This is a concise discourse on the difficulties for gang scholars, policymakers, and criminal justice actors to agree on a
universal definition for street gangs. Papachristos suggests that street gangs exist because members belonging to the group,
as well as individuals external to the group, believe, feel, socialize, and act as though a gang is a distinct social entity,
regardless of the label placed on them by academics or law enforcement.
Pyrooz, David C., Gary LaFree, Scott H. Decker, and Patrick A. James. 2018. Cut from the same cloth? A comparative
study of domestic extremists and gang members in the United States. Justice Quarterly 35.1: 1–32.
This article empirically examines the similarities and differences between violent extremist groups and street gangs. It is one of
the only studies by leading gang scholars to categorize white supremacy youth groups as a street gang instead as a violent
extremist group. Findings indicate that extremists with gang ties more closely resemble extremists without gang ties than they
do conventional gang members.
Simi, Pete, and Robert Futrell. 2015. American swastika: Inside the White Power movement’s hidden spaces of hate.
2d ed. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.
Simi and Futrell provide a detailed description of the characteristics and myths of white supremacy youth groups. This is one of
the foundational texts that considers white supremacy youth groups as analogous to conventional street gangs.
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Weerman, Frank M., Cheryl L. Maxson, Finn-Aage Esbensen, Judith Aldridge, Juanjo Medina, and Frank van Gemert.
2009. Eurogang program manual: Background, development, and use of the Eurogang instruments in multi-site,
multi-method comparative research.
This program manual provides the background, development, and guiding framework for the Eurogang research instruments.
The Eurogang definition and basic principles are outlined to facilitate cross-national comparative research on street gangs.
Ideological Exaggerations
Berlet and Vysotsky 2006 and Pollard 2016 (the latter cited under White Power Music Subculture) point out that the ideologies
referenced by Alt-Right gangs are often varied, sometimes contradictory. These ideologies generally revolve around notions of
white supremacy, concepts of anti-minority or anti-immigrant, and more complex mythologies and religious beliefs (e.g.,
Odinism/paganism, the World Church of the Creator, or National Socialism). Simi and Futrell 2015 contends that many of
these beliefs are permeable and generally amalgamated in the larger White Power movement. Perry and Scrivens 2016
further attests that Alt-Right gangs tend to be fragmented and filled with discord as members vie for power and status within
the group or splinter and morph into new groups, which parallels with the street gang literature. When considering the role that
ideology plays in Alt-Right gang membership, van Gemert, et al. 2008 establishes that a spectrum exists showing the degree
to which white supremacy is integral to the identity of a group or an individual, with some groups being tied directly to a political
organization or others just adding extremist symbols to their group’s identity. Suall and Lowe 1988 indicates that in the United
States the image of the White Power foot soldier is often countered with evidence rejecting the notion that these groups have
both strongly defined goals and shared beliefs, which would facilitate Alt-Right gangs becoming well-organized, right-wing
revolutionary alarmists. For instance, Pollard 2016 (cited under White Power Music Subculture) attests that the classic, strict
tradition of racial hierarchies of Nazism has been largely abandoned with the influx of Slavs joining skinhead gangs in America
and Eastern Europe. Simi and Futrell 2015 points to the influence of American white supremacy on skinheads that has shifted
the focus from ethnicity to skin color to achieve white racial purity, allowing for non-Aryan members to participate in these
groups or for members to have relationships with nonwhite individuals. Waldner, et al. 2006 finds further ideological
contradictions with the emergence of gay racialist skinheads active in the Alt-Right movement. However, Barrios 2003,
Helmreich 1973, Montejano 2010, and Short and Moland 1976 demonstrate that race- and ethnic-based pride and/or political
ideology is not limited only to Alt-Right gangs. The marginalization of black and Hispanic/Latino youths has motivated street
gangs to incorporate a political ideology in an attempt to grow a grassroots movement aimed at fighting for political power and
producing social change in their neglected communities (see Barrios 2003, Helmreich 1973, Montejano 2010, and Short and
Moland 1976). Other gangs may not have a true ideology but are formed with the intention of offering youth pride in their
heritage. Vigil 1996 notes that gang initiation for Chicano gangs in Los Angeles reifies one’s ethnic identification as being a
true Chicano.
Barrios, Luis. 2003. “Almighty Latin King and Queen Nation and the spirituality of resistance: Agency, social
cohesion, and liberating rituals in the making of a street organization.” In Gangs and society: Alternate perspectives.
Edited by Louis Kontos, David Brotherton, and Luis Barrios, 119–135. New York: Columbia Univ. Press.
Chapter 7 of this book examines the role of spirituality as a form of resistance to dominant society by street gang members.
The use of liberation spirituality by the Almighty Latin King and Queen Nation directly contributed to the gang’s social identity
and established a process of acculturation for individuals entering the group. Focusing on a spirituality of liberation allowed the
gang to resist the dominant culture dehumanizing, objectifying, and criminalizing the group.
Berlet, Chip, and Stanislav Vysotsky. 2006. Overview of U.S. white supremacist groups. Journal of Political and
Military Sociology 34.1: 11–48.
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This article dispels many of the myths that surround white supremacy ideology, including the ubiquity, understanding, and
adherence to a strict adoption by Alt-Right gang members. White supremacy groups are typologized into instrumental political
organizations, countercultural youth groups, and subcultural religious movements. Although such a typology allows for
increased gradation between these groups, a considerable overlap remains between types of White Power groups.
van Gemert, Frank, Dana Peterson, and Inger-Lise Lien. 2008. Introduction. In Street gangs, migration and ethnicity.
Edited by Frank van Gemert, Dana Peterson, and Inger-Lise Lien. New York: Routledge.
This book chapter introduces readers to the relationship between street gangs, migration, and ethnicity. A global perspective of
street gang scholarship is discussed to address these controversial topics. Evidence is provided for a better understanding of
the street gang problem that is taking place in each locale.
Helmreich, William B. 1973. Black Crusaders: The rise and fall of political gangs. Society 11.1: 44–50.
Helmreich chronicles the rise and fall of the Black Crusaders, a militant gang of youths determined to improve their economic
and political situation in the late 1960s. Pays particular attention to the group’s structure, initiatives, goals, and reasons for the
group’s rapid deterioration.
Montejano, David. 2010. Quixote’s soldiers: A local history of the Chicano movement, 1966–1981. Austin: Univ. of
Texas Press.
Montejano examines the Chicana/o movement in San Antonio, Texas. The role of gang members in the movement is
discussed, suggesting that their inclusion greatly reduced the amount of street violence. The development of cultural
nationalist ideology, combined with militant rhetoric, reduced the tension between warring gangs and rallied these members to
a larger cause—challenging the existing power structures.
Perry, Barbara, and Ryan Scrivens. 2016. Uneasy alliances: A look at the right-wing extremist movement in Canada.
Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 39.9: 819–841.
This article provides an updated (as of 2016) examination of Alt-Right gangs in contemporary Canada. Although many of these
groups resemble earlier incarnations discussed in other literature (e.g., Berlet and Vysotsky 2006, Simi and Futrell 2015, Suall
and Lowe 1988), the online presence of Alt-Right gangs has substantially increased.
Short, James F., Jr., and John Moland Jr. 1976. Politics and youth gangs: A follow-up study. The Sociological
Quarterly 17.2: 162–179.
This article focuses on the political attitudes and activities of young men who were members of black youth gangs, especially
with respect to civil rights programs. The findings indicate that members were influenced more pragmatically in their political
orientation than ideologically. The authors discovered a strong approval of violence instead of traditional peaceful methods and
also discussed the potential for effective political organization by prison gangs.
Simi, Pete and Robert Futrell. 2015. American swastika: Inside the White Power movement’s hidden spaces of hate.
This book is fundamental to the understanding of Alt-Right gang ideology, and the way in which such beliefs are exhibited on
the street. A cross-comparison between members of the larger White Power movement (i.e., mainstream members, hardcore
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members, and private Aryan community residents) is used to highlight the differences and complexities of white supremacy
ideological beliefs.
Suall, Irwin, and David Lowe. 1988. Shaved for battle—Skinheads target America’s youth. Political Communication
and Persuasion 5:139–144.
This article provides an overview on the rise of skinhead gangs throughout American communities from 1978 to 1987. The
authors discuss the White Power music scene as the facilitator for this spread of skinhead gangs in America. The recruitment
of skinheads into more organized neo-Nazi groups is highlighted.
Vigil, James Diego. 1996. Street baptism: Chicano gang initiation. Human Organization 55.2: 149–153.
Vigil documents the role of initiation into a Chicano street gang. The process has become a rite of solidarity for the gang. The
similarities between the “street baptism” of Chicano street gangs and male initiation rites in preindustrial tribal societies are
discussed. The initiation process appears to address gender and age role identity resolution for youths.
Waldner, Lisa K., Heather Martin, and Lyndsay Capeder. 2006. Ideology of gay racialist skinheads and stigma
management techniques. Journal of Political and Military Sociology 34.1: 165–184.
The authors discuss the rhetorical strategies used by gay skinheads to manage the stigma of homosexuality in white
supremacy. By examining content on gay racialist message boards, the study finds that these strategies include minimizing the
stigma, appealing to master status, appealing to higher loyalties, attacking the stigmatizers, blaming victimizers, denying
oppressors, and rejecting stigmatizers. Gay racialist message boards provide a space to connect with the larger White Power
movement.
White Power Music Subculture
Music has always played an integral part for Alt-Right gangs. Love 2016 contends that music is a connective tissue that binds
Alt-Right gang members to a common social identity. Brown 2004, Dyck 2017, Forbes and Stampton 2015, Love 2016, Lowles
and Silver 1998, and Windisch and Simi 2017 highlight that the earliest inception of White Power music is found in Oi!, a
subgenre of punk rock with a distinct working-class youth subculture. The band Skrewdriver was the founder and epitome of
the Oi! music scene, providing a common thread that has unified racist skinheads across the globe. Dyck 2017, Forbes and
Stampton 2015, Love 2016, and Pollard 2016 discuss how Skrewdriver, with its charisma, became a principal conveyor of
white separatist ideals and was utilized in the 1970s by the National Front, a right-wing political party in the United Kingdom, to
recruit youths. Dyck 2017, Forbes and Stampton 2015, Lowles and Silver 1998, and Teitelbaum 2017 reveal that many
subsequent White Power bands across Europe, North America, South America, and Australia patterned themselves after
Screwdriver, mirroring the band’s white supremacist messages in their lyrics and spreading those ideals broadly through
frequent concerts and music festivals. Love 2017 indicates that the successful spreading of a racist skinhead subculture
throughout the United States became an important turning point in both the production and distribution of white supremacy
messaging. Dyck 2017 contends that America’s lenient hate speech laws allowed for white separatist groups to operate
legitimately in the record industry without any legal recourse, nurturing the development and dissemination of a white
supremacy globally. Although Oi! is the musical genre most associated with Alt-Right gangs, a wide variety of genres in the
mid-2010s have been hijacked by white supremacists. For instance, Love 2016, Teitelbaum 2017, and Windisch and Simi
2017 find that the folk music genre is a medium used to rekindle collective memories and cultural traditions of premodern, rural
life that idolizes the “imagined” white society. The connection of folk music to earlier, whiter, communities is crafted intentionally
to provide a stark contrast to the globalized, multinational cosmopolitan metropolis of urban life instead of advocating a return
to a more nationalistic society. Dyck 2017, Love 2016, and Teitelbaum 2017 discuss other music genres including “rockabilly,”
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a 1950s mix of rhythm and blues, country and western music, folk, heavy metal, and synthwave. White Power music’s diversity
and its youthful orientation has diversified the spread of white supremacy, as Love 2017 points out with “fashwave,” a variety of
electronic instrumental music by such artists as Cybernazi that appeals to younger generations in the mid-2010s.
Brown, Timothy Scott. 2004. Subcultures, pop music and politics: Skinheads and “Nazi Rock” in England and
Germany. Journal of Social History 38.1: 157–178.
Brown provides a readable summary of the emergence of the racist skinhead music scene and the way in which radical politics
became enmeshed within this musical genre. Highlights the ways in which popular culture can be manipulated for political
ends.
Dyck, Kirsten. 2017. Reichsrock: The international web of white-power and Neo-Nazi hate music. New Brunswick, NJ:
Rutgers Univ. Press.
Dyck provides the most comprehensive examination of the White Power music scene. The author focuses on how the Internet
has facilitated the globalization of the White Power music scene. The dynamic nature of White Power music in targeting a new
generation of members through a variety of music genres (e.g., metal, folk, and industrial) is discussed along with the declining
vision of a globalized white identity.
Forbes, Robert, and Eddie Stampton. 2015. The white nationalist skinhead movement: UK & USA, 1979–1993. Port
Townsend, WA: Feral House.
This book provides an in-depth cataloging of the rise of white nationalist skinhead music in the United Kingdom during the time
span when Ian Stuart, the founder of the Skrewdriver band, was active. Extensive details on the bands, their members, release
dates, concerts, and notable events are documented in an encyclopedic manner.
Love, Nancy S. 2016. Trendy fascism: White Power music and the future of democracy. Albany: State Univ. of New
York Press.
Love provides a US-centered perspective on the cultural politics of White Power music. The central argument is that music is
the primary medium for spreading white supremacist ideology in the early 21st century. Three musical genres (i.e., Oi!, folk,
and heavy metal) are used as case studies to illustrate the way in which white supremacists use White Power music to teach
hate and encourage violence.
Love, Nancy S. 2017. Back to the future: Trendy fascism, the Trump effect, and the Alt-Right. New Political Science
39.2: 263–268.
This article discusses how the messaging in White Power music provided a tool that the Alt-Right was able to harness in the
US 2016 election. It is a supplement to, and a synopsis of, Trendy Fascism (Love 2016).
Lowles, Nick, and Steve Silver. 1998. White noise: Inside the international Nazi skinhead scene. London: Searchlight.
Contributors to this edited book examine the White Power music scene. Pays particular attention to the way in which White
Power music is used in the United Kingdom, Sweden, Germany, Poland, and the United States to recruit members and
promote violent altercations. The international ties among White Power organizations are discussed. Note that chapter 9,
“White Pride World Wide”?: The Internet and the global marketing of White Power rock, on the role of the Internet is outdated.
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Pollard, John. 2016. Skinhead culture: The ideologies, mythologies, religions and conspiracy theories of racist
skinheads. Patterns of Prejudice 50.4–5: 398–419.
Pollard examines the historical developments of the racist skinhead subculture movement. Particular attention is on the
skinhead music scene and the emergence of the Oi! music scene.
Sarabia, Daniel, and Thomas E. Shriver. 2004. Maintaining collective identity in a hostile environment: Confronting
negative public perception and factional divisions within the skinhead subculture. Sociological Spectrum 24.3:
267–294.
This article traces the origins of skinheads, both racist and nonracist. This study highlights the heterogeneous of the skinhead
subculture and examines the differences between racist and nonracist skinheads. The influence of music on the emergence of
skinhead culture and its use in providing a collective identity is of primary interest. Racist skinheads are regarded as a
bastardization of the original skinhead movement.
Teitelbaum, Benjamin R. 2017. Lions of the north: Sounds of the new Nordic radical nationalism. New York: Oxford
Univ. Press.
Teitelbaum investigates the role of music in the Swedish nationalist movement, a right-wing political party. Music has been a
transformative medium used by the party to push a nationalist, political message to Swedes. Places emphasis on the way in
which such nationalistic political parties are able to adapt music to reinforce their political brand. A variety of musical genres is
examined, including folk, pop, reggae, and rap.
Windisch, Steven, and Pete Simi. 2017. “Neo-Nazi music subculture.” In Routledge handbook on deviance. Edited by
Stephen E. Brown and Ophir Sefiha, 111–121. London: Routledge.
Chapter 11 of this book provides a readable synopsis of the White Power music scene. Its emergence, migration, rituals, and
use as a recruitment tool are discussed. Pays particular attention to the White Power music scene in the United States.
Risk Factors
Risk factors for membership in Alt-Right gangs is an understudied area of research. The lack of generalizable findings on the
pushes and pulls for Alt-Right gang membership makes it difficult to understand the full range of risk factors. Although much of
the skinhead literature is qualitative in methodology, some themes about risk factors have emerged (see Baron 1997;
Shashkin 2008; and Simi, et al. 2008). The Skinhead International survey (Anti-Defamation League 1995) examines how
youths are pushed into skinhead membership; the existing literature has found that the age range for youths involved in
skinhead gangs ranges from adolescence to early adulthood (i.e., ages 12 to 25 across samples). The Skinhead International
survey (Anti-Defamation League 1995), Ezekiel 2002, and Pollard 2016 (cited under White Power Music Subculture) highlight
that males are more at risk for membership than females. Blee 2002 notes, however, this finding is limited because female
membership has been studied in a much more limited manner. Ezekiel 2002; Kimmel 2007; Pilkington, et al. 2010; and Siedler
2011 report that many Alt-Right gang members regularly report they reside in a single-parent household, experience domestic
discord in the home, and endure parental unemployment. Baron 1997 and Wooden and Blazak 1995 also find that many
youths are unemployed, abuse drugs and alcohol, and drop out of high school. Shashkin 2008 finds that, in Russia,
unsupervised time for youths is also a considerable risk factor for youths joining an Alt-Right gang. When examining
motivations for joining, or the “pulls” often discussed by gang scholars, researchers on skinheads have documented patterns
analogous with the broader street gang literature in a number of ways, including group belonging and superiority as reported in
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the Skinhead International survey (Anti-Defamation League 1995). Baron 1997 and Ezekiel 2002 have highlighted the
presence of fear and violence in many of these youths’ lives and their hope that Alt-Right gang membership could offer them
safety or protection. Simi, et al. 2008 also finds support that youths are joining for purposes of protection, with the Alt-Right
gang providing white youths with a form of defense from other street gangs. Furthermore, Simi, et al. 2008 attests that it is not
uncommon for skinhead gangs to participate in an array of profit-oriented crimes (e.g., drug sales, identity theft, counterfeiting,
burglary, and armed robbery) that provide members with financial incentives for joining the group.
Anti-Defamation League. 1995. The Skinhead International: A worldwide survey of neo-Nazi skinheads. Edited by
Irwin Suall and B’nai B’rith. New York: Anti-Defamation League.
This ADL report is an overview of neo-Nazi skinhead activity throughout thirty-three countries, across six continents. In
addition to documenting the different aspects of skinhead culture and violence, it also discusses some of the risk factors for
membership. This document is one of the few to examine numerous countries.
Baron, Stephen W. 1997. Canadian male street skinheads: Street gang or street terrorists? Canadian Review of
Sociology 34.2: 125–154.
This study investigates the violent behavior of skinhead youths in Edmonton, Alberta, in Canada. Findings suggest that racist
ideology is incidental to members’ daily criminal activities. Furthermore, it appears that the political consciousness of
skinheads generally lacks coherence, and the group’s structure inhibits any enduring capacity for political activity.
Blee, Kathleen M. 2002. Inside organized racism: Women in the hate movement. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press.
Blee examines women in the organized hate movement. This is a qualitative study of women in the hate movement that also
examines the role and place of women in this movement.
Ezekiel, Raphael S. 2002. An ethnographer looks at neo-Nazi and Klan groups: The racist mind revisited. American
Behavioral Scientist 46.1: 51–71.
This article is a review of the Ezekiel’s fieldwork with neo-Nazi and Klan members. In this review, the author discusses the
individual and social risk factors that led to membership in these groups. Ezekiel also reviews some policy implications for
prevention.
Kimmel, Michael. 2007. Racism as adolescent male rite of passage: Ex-Nazis in Scandinavia. Journal of
Contemporary Ethnography 36.2: 202–218.
Through in-depth qualitative interviews, Kimmel examines the characteristics of male youths that have desisted and
deracialized from neo-Nazi groups in Sweden. The author pays attention to the social background of the ex-members, their
entry into and exit from a neo-Nazi group, and the gendered practices and role of masculinity within the group.
Pilkington, Hilary, Elena Omel’chenko, and Al’bina Garifzianova. 2010. Russia’s skinheads: Exploring and rethinking
subcultural lives. New York: Routledge.
This book provides an extensive look at skinhead gangs in contemporary Russia. It reinforces the existing literature that
Russian skinhead culture is not an importation from the West, but developed from youths navigating life in local communities.
Additionally, the authors provide a great example of successfully implementing collaborative fieldwork to examine an urban
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ethnography of youth culture.
Shashkin, Alexander. 2008. Origins and development of racist skinheads in Moscow. In Street gangs, migration and
ethnicity. Edited by Frank van Gemert, Dana Peterson, and Inger-Lise Lien, 97–114. New York: Routledge.
Chapter 7 in this book examines racist skinhead groups or gangs in Moscow. The author provides an overview of this
movement in Russia and describes the structural, cultural, and political conditions that influence membership in these groups
in Russia.
Siedler, Thomas. 2011. Parental unemployment and young people’s extreme right‐wing party affinity: Evidence from
panel data. Journal of the Royal Statistical Society: Series A (Statistics in Society) 174.3: 737–758.
Siedler examines the relationship between parental unemployment and young people’s far-right-wing party affinity. Utilizing
cross-sectional estimates from the German Socio-Economic Panel, this study shows a positive relationship between living with
unemployed parents and support for the extreme right.
Simi, Pete, Lowell Smith, and Ann M. S. Reeser. 2008. From punk kids to Public Enemy Number One. Deviant
Behavior 29.8: 753–774.
This case study of Public Enemy Number 1 (PEN1) provides an overview of some of the risk factors for membership in this Alt-
Right gang. In addition to providing insights into when and why members joined PEN1, the authors include a range of risk
factors for membership, such as a number of pushes and pulls that are seen in the traditional gang literature.
Wooden, Wayne S., and Randy Blazak. 1995. Renegade kids, suburban outlaws: From youth culture to delinquency.
Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
The authors review a number of youth subcultures, but chapter 9, Skinheads: Teenagers and Hare Crime, on skinheads
focuses on some of the behavioral risk factors, such as drug and alcohol abuse or use, that can affect whether they become
members of these groups.
Use of Space
A lack of consensus exists on the degree to which Alt-Right gangs are territorially oriented, with the traditional belief being that
they are less geographically confined than conventional street gangs are. Although Simi and Futrell 2015 suggests that Alt-
Right gang members consider themselves to have “natural dominion” over any space they are occupying, taking their
whiteness wherever they travel, this does not exclude Alt-Right gangs from being territorial. In fact, Futrell and Simi 2004
indicates that Alt-Right gang members regularly gather in “Aryan free spaces” to discuss their beliefs openly and coordinate
activities. Analogous locales have been discussed in the conventional street gang literature, such as Klein 1995 and Tita, et al.
2005. Tita, et al. 2005 terms these areas a gang’s “set space,” defined broadly as a sub-neighborhood, which is geographically
distinct (e.g., a street corner, park, alley, etc.) and a street gang’s controlled turf where members routinely gather. Klein 1995
indicates that these localized areas became the “group’s life space.” These Aryan free spaces, as described by Futrell and
Simi 2004, provide an analogous sanctuary for Alt-Right gang members where they can socialize and feel protected from the
outside world. Simi, et al. 2008 indicates the important role that Aryan free spaces play in maintaining an Alt-Right gang’s
collective identity and group solidarity, just as set spaces do for a street gang, according to Tita, et al. 2005. Similarly, Aryan
free spaces, like gang set spaces, are established in locations that lack agents of social control, either formal or informal.
Thrasher 1927 indicates that, without such agents of social control, gang members are unrestricted to engage in inappropriate
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and predatory behaviors that could be detrimental to local residents. Thrasher 1927 also attests that by habitually congregating
in the same spaces, gang members become attached to a particular locale, only wandering beyond its boundaries
occasionally. Simi and Futrell 2015 documents analogous patterns in which Alt-Right gang members regularly frequent Aryan
free spaces to reify their beliefs; participate in rituals (e.g., being tattooed); promote group norms, culture, and values; cultivate
social capital; and further develop their group identity. It is within these Aryan free spaces where social ties that bind Alt-Right
gang members are developed and maintained.
Futrell, Robert, and Pete Simi. 2004. Free spaces, collective identity, and the persistence of U.S. White Power
activism. Social Problems 51.1: 16–42.
Two types of Aryan free spaces, indigenous- and transmovement-prefigurative, are considered in this study. Indigenous
spaces sustain proximate ties between members providing a location to reify beliefs, participate in rituals, espouse group
norms, cultivate relationships, and develop a social identity. Transmovement spaces establish a form of bridging social capital
that fosters social inclusion by extending the connections between members beyond any particular Alt-Right group and into the
larger Alt-Right community. Transmovement spaces include planned Aryan communities, White Power music shows, and
Internet forums.
Klein, Malcolm W. 1995. The American street gang. New York: Oxford Univ. Press.
Klein describes the importance of space to members of a gang. A gang’s turf becomes the epicenter of gang life. Such sub-
neighborhood hangouts as a park, street corner, or alley become imbued with almost mythic importance to the local gang. A
“group’s life space” is anchored to a gang’s particular turf around which the majority of socialization occurs.
Simi, Pete, and Robert Futrell. 2015. American swastika: Inside the White Power movement’s hidden spaces of hate.
Simi and Futrell provide a broad overview of the places in which members of the White Power movement congregate to keep
alive their group identity. These Aryan free spaces include house parties, crash pads, music festivals and concerts, private
communities, and online forums. This study contextualizes the use of space by Alt-Right gang members as a way for the
group’s social identity to endure over time and across adverse conditions.
Simi, Pete, Lowell Smith, and Ann M. S. Reeser. 2008. From punk kids to Public Enemy Number One. Deviant
Behavior 29.8: 753–774.
This case study of Public Enemy Number 1 (PEN1) highlights the relationship between an Alt-Right gang and space in its local
community. Specifically, this study discusses how PEN1 mirrored “traditional” gangs by being turf oriented, protecting the
groups from rival gangs (including other skinheads and Alt-Right gangs), and organizing the group’s’ behavior in a localized
manner.
Thrasher, Frederic M. 1927. The gang: A study of 1,131 gangs in Chicago. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.
A foundational study of gangs in Chicago that examines the relationship between the areas where gangs form and thrive within
a modern cityscape. This study asserts that gangs develop in interstitial areas within communities. These spaces are
disadvantaged, have high residential instability, and lack the mechanisms needed to utilize informal social control. In such
areas, gangs can develop unimpeded from scrutiny.
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Tita, George E., Jacqueline Cohen, and John Engberg. 2005. An ecological study of the location of gang “set space.”
Social Problems 52.2: 272–299.
This ecological study examines the spaces where gangs choose to locate. It focuses on the social, economic, and physical
organization of neighborhoods to ascertain which features facilitate the formation of street gangs. This study introduces the
concept of “set space,” a small geographic unit within a neighborhood where gang members congregate. Findings indicate that
areas with diminished social control increase the likelihood of gangs loitering there.
Online Activity
Simi and Futrell 2015 (cited under Ideological Exaggerations) discusses the way in which the subject of Aryan free spaces can
extend beyond the physical world and into the virtual realm of the Internet, via online chat rooms, YouTube, blogs, or White
Power music sites. Daniels 2009, Sela-Shayovitz 2012a, and Simi and Futrell 2015 (cited under Use of Space) further highlight
how the salience of virtual Aryan free spaces have provided an avenue for Alt-Right gang members to maintain and advance
their ideology and subculture. Michael 2012 and Morris 2017 indicate that the prominence in the mid-2010s of Aryan websites
across the globe can be traced back to Louis Beam, a prominent neo-Nazi and white supremacy strategist. Beam realized in
the early 1980s that digital communications, through online message boards, could be used asymmetrically to recruit
members, spread their group’s message efficiently with minimal resources, and maintain lines of communication among
individuals who were not spatially proximate. Beam urged the abandonment of large white separatist organizations in favor of
smaller groups, termed a “leaderless resistance,” that could evade detection and disruption by law enforcement better, Burris,
et al. 2000 and Simi and Futrell 2015 (cited under Use of Space) indicate that adherence to this strategy of a “leaderless
resistance” has resulted in a proliferation of Aryan websites throughout the world. Such websites offer virtual spaces for Alt-
Right gang members to plan activities, educate children, listen to music, play games, chat, and post social media. Hawley
2017, Nagle 2017, and Simi and Futrell 2015 (cited under Use of Space) warn that Alt-Right gangs, and the White Power
movement more broadly, do not rely solely on niche online communities (e.g., Stormfront.org) to connect members; they also
utilize mainstream digital platforms, such as Facebook, Pinterest, Tumblr, 4chan, and Twitter. Patton, et al. 2013 notes that
most online behaviors of gang members, whether on the Internet, social media, or other digital communications, remain
symbolic in nature. Referred to as “cyberbanging,” these include the posting of videos or pictures of violent acts or a gang’s
drug sales to elevate its reputation and status, tagging social media sites, or delegitimizing a rival’s credibility. Sela-Shayovitz
2012b finds that gang youths, compared with the general population of adolescents, are actually more likely to surf the
Internet. Results further indicate that as a gang member’s technical skill with a computer increases, the likelihood of
participating in some type of instrumental criminal involvement (e.g., drug selling, hacking, identity theft, etc.) is more likely to
occur. Storrod and Densley 2017 further contends that symbolic activities can be used to achieve instrumental goals, such as
recruiting new members, facilitating the sales of drugs, and enforcing the gang’s rules. Castle and Parsons 2017 suggests
that, even if Alt-Right gangs emerge from an online collective, the members of these groups still participate in activities in the
physical worlds that can impact adversely residents of local communities.
Burris, Val, Emery Smith, and Ann Strahm. 2000. White supremacist networks on the Internet. Sociological Focus
33.2: 215–234.
The authors use social network analysis to examine the online ties among white supremacist groups. Findings support the
decentralized character of white supremacists. Interorganizational links appear to be strongest between groups that have
mutual intellectual legitimacy or cultural identity, whereas groups with weaker ties complete for members or consumers. In
addition, it appears that Christian Identity theology is ineffectual at unifying groups, particularly compared to the pervasiveness
of Nazi sympathizers.
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Castle, Tammy, and Tara Parsons. 2017. Vigilante or Viking? Contesting the mediated constructions of Soldiers of
Odin Norge. Crime, Media, Culture. 22 September.
Castle and Parsons explore the identity of the Soldiers of Odin Norge, a Norwegian chapter of Finland’s Soldiers of Odin, an
Alt-Right gang that emerged in 2015 and has spread throughout Scandinavia. The authors focus on the role of social media in
maintaining the group’s identity and its use by the group to combat the mainstream media’s depiction of Soldiers of Odin
Norge as being a gang of vigilantes. Available online by subscription.
Daniels, Jessie. 2009. Cyber racism: White supremacy online and the new attack on civil rights. Lanham, MD:
Rowman & Littlefield.
Daniels examines the way in which white supremacist organizations have evolved from printed racist publications to the era of
digital content. The author uses a mixed-methods approach to illustrate how the Internet is utilized to recruit and spread white
supremacy across the globe.
Hawley, George. 2017. Making sense of the Alt-Right. New York: Columbia Univ. Press.
This is the first academic book to explain the origins, methods, and core beliefs of the Alt-Right. By studying a youthful, tech-
savvy group focused on online trolling and provocation, Hawley is able to provide an in-depth perspective on the Alt-Right’s
growing influence and its manifestation in physical space.
Michael, George. 2012. Leaderless resistance: The new face of terrorism. Defence Studies 12.2: 257–282.
Michael discusses the effectiveness of the leaderless resistance strategy as used by right-wing extremist groups. This
decentralized approach includes the motivating of “lone wolf” actors by attracting underground radicals, the use of
unsophisticated equipment, and an aversion to detection by law enforcement.
Morris, Travis. 2017. Dark ideas: How neo-Nazi and violent jihadi ideologues shaped modern terrorism. London:
Lexington Books.
This book examines meaningful dark ideas—innovations used by violent extremists—that have evolved and become
normalized within an organization or movement. Such innovations discussed are the creation of a class of divine traitors, the
weaponization of ideas into propaganda, strategic conceptualizations of violence (e.g., leaderless resistance), the shifting of
targeting paradigms, and the creation of soft versions of extremism. The importance of context surrounding a particular
ideologue is also emphasized.
Nagle, Angela. 2017. Kill all normies: Online culture wars from 4chan and Tumblr to Trump and the Alt-Right.
Winchester, UK: Zero Books.
This book traces the rise of the Alt-Right through the online culture wars (e.g., “gamergate” and anti-political correctness) from
4chan and Tumblr. The many factions of the Alt-Right are discussed in detail (e.g., manosphere, Alt-Lite, and neoreactionist).
Patton, Desmond U., Robert D. Eschmann, and Dirk A. Butler. 2013. Internet banging: New trends in social media,
gang violence, masculinity and hip hop. Computers in Human Behavior 29.5: A54–A59.
This study examines the influence of urban masculinity in the threat and production of violence through digital communications
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and social media. Findings show that gang-related violence predominantly is displayed by males. In addition, the use of social
media has allowed members to craft an exaggerated, hypermasculine identity to increase their street credibility. Lastly, findings
show a connection between “Internet banging” and hip-hop music.
Sela-Shayovitz, Revital. 2012a. The impact of globalization, migration, and social group processes on neo-Nazi youth
gangs. In Youth gangs in international perspective: Results from the Eurogang Program of Research. Edited by Finn-
Aage Esbensen and Cheryl Maxson, 211–224. New York: Springer.
Chapter 12 of this book examines how marginalized youths who had migrated from Russia to Israel developed an affinity for
neo-Nazi ideology. The findings indicate that a common element for these youths was their exposure to White Power music
through the Internet. Further, the role of digital technology was a prominent feature that shaped their criminal activities and
gang identity.
Sela-Shayovitz, Revital. 2012b. Gangs and the web: Gang members’ online behavior. Journal of Contemporary
Criminal Justice 28.4: 389–405.
This study finds that gang youths are more active on the Internet than nongang youths. Although the Internet is not used for
gang formation, it does facilitate gang-related activities and, as members’ technical skills increase, the likelihood they will
engage in cybercrimes. Yet, these online criminal activities remain more individualized and less group driven.
Storrod, Michelle L., and James A. Densley. 2017. “Going viral” and “Going country”: The expressive and
instrumental activities of street gangs on social media. Journal of Youth Studies 20.6: 677–696.
Storrod and Densley investigate the relationship between a gang’s use of social media and its expressive and/or instrumental
criminal activities. The findings indicate that gang members use social media to highlight both expressive and instrumental
criminality and that these archetypes are much more intertwined than previously discussed in the literature. Gang youths, in
fact, were able to launder illegal proceeds to legitimate ventures that then promoted their criminal enterprise.
Violence and Criminality
Similar to their street gang counterparts, Alt-Right gangs engage in both symbolic and instrumental violence, as discussed by
Moore 1994. However, much of the existing literature on criminality and violence patterns has its attention centered around the
group ideology of Alt-Right gangs, particularly hate-based crimes. Baron 1997 (cited under Risk Factors) reports that
retributive violence, for real or perceived slights, is supported by both an Alt-Right youth’s peer group and the broader Alt-Right
gang. Baron 1997, Simi 2006, and Simi, et al. 2008 contend that disputes are usually interpersonal in nature, often white-on-
white or focused on other street youths. Furthermore, The Skinhead International survey by the Anti-Defamation League 1995
and Baron 1997 suggest that participation in symbolic violence is believed to help affirm Alt-Right group identity and
strengthen the group’s solidarity. Overall, Baron 1997 and Simi, et al. 2008 maintain that Alt-Right gang violence mirrors
traditional gang rivalries of the street and the need for retaliation against those who slight other members or the group. Simi, et
al. 2008, however, extends that bias-motivated crimes are relatively rare events compared to other types of crimes. In fact, the
Skinhead International survey (Anti-Defamation League 1995); Baron 1997; Freilich, et al. 2009; Perry and Scrivens 2016
(cited under Ideological Exaggerations; Pilkington, et al. 2010 (cited under Risk Factors); Simi 2006; and Simi, et al. 2008
clearly show that Alt-Right gang members participate in much of the same type of “cafeteria-style offending” used by street
gangs. These include instrumental, profit-oriented crimes, such as drug selling and identity theft, along with a variety of
property crimes. Vasquez, et al. 2015 establishes that conventional street gangs have high levels of entitativity—that is,
perceiving members of rival groups as being a cohesive and unified group. The violent behavior by Alt-Right gangs is in
accordance with having high levels of entitativity, treating all members of an offending group (e.g., nonwhites, immigrants, or
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Jews) as blameworthy and responsible. Vasquez, et al. 2015 attests that by adhering to high levels of entitativity the violence
is spread more easily into the civilian (i.e., nongang) population. Mills, et al. 2015 and Perry and Scrivens 2016 find that much
of hate-based violence by Alt-Right gangs highlights a lack of discretion in participating in acts of violence against any
nonwhites. Although not ignoring bias-motivated crimes, Simi, et al. 2008 warns that focusing solely on hate-based violence
ignores the more routine criminality and violence of Alt-Right gangs, which is likely to have a greater impact on the everyday
lives of community residents and the overall safety of local neighborhoods. Finally, it is important to note that Simi 2006
contends that no evidence has been found to suggest that the profits from the criminal ventures of Alt-Right gang members are
being funneled together to fund larger political endeavors.
Anti-Defamation League. 1995. The Skinhead International: A worldwide survey of neo-Nazi skinheads. Edited by
Irwin Suall and B’nai B’rith. New York: Anti-Defamation League.
This report by the ADL is the first to catalogue neo-Nazi skinhead activity throughout thirty-three countries, across six
continents. While documenting the rampant use of violence, the survey finds that White Power music is the chief propaganda
tool that connects youths to the larger social movement. Additionally, results indicate that skinhead youths are mainstreaming
their image (e.g., growing out their hair, covering tattoos, and wearing conventional attire) to evade surveillance by the state.
Freilich, Joshua D., Steven M. Chermak, and David Caspi. 2009. Critical events in the life trajectories of domestic
extremist white supremacist groups. Criminology & Public Policy 8.3: 497–530.
This case study examines the life course of four far-right extremist groups to understand the contextual and organizational
variables contributing to the rise and fall of any particular organization. Three of the groups—Aryan Nations, National Alliance,
and Oklahoma Constitutional Militia—declined due to organizational instability and responses from social control agents (e.g.,
law enforcement and watch groups). Public Enemy Number 1 avoided organizational instability, despite periodic internal
struggles, and remains active.
Mills, Colleen E., Joshua D. Freilich, and Steven M. Chermak. 2015. Extreme hatred: Revisiting the hate crime and
terrorism relationship to determine whether they are “close cousins” or “distant relatives.” Crime & Delinquency
63.10: 1191–1223.
This study examines the relationship between hate crimes and terrorism, examining fatal hate crimes perpetrated by far-right
extremists. Findings indicate that hate crimes and terrorism share similar characteristics, including their sociopolitical
connotation along with a retaliatory or defensive aspect. Results suggest that continuum exists between bias-motivated
violence by non-extremists to terrorist acts committed by far-right extremists.
Moore, David. 1994. The lads in action: Social process in an urban youth subculture. Aldershot, UK: Arena.
Moore provides an extensive ethnographic account examining the day-to-day life experiences of skinhead youths in Perth,
Australia.
Simi, Pete. 2006. Hate groups or street gangs? The emergence of racist skinheads. In Studying youth gangs. Edited
by James F. Short Jr. and Lorine A. Hughes, 145–159. Lanham, MD: AltaMira.
Chapter 10 of this book examines the development of skinhead gangs throughout Southern California in the early 1980s.
Comparisons with conventional street gangs are made to highlight analogous patterns of organizational structure, the role of
territoriality and group conflict, and “cafeteria-style” patterns of criminal offending.
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Simi, Pete, Lowell Smith, and Ann M. S. Reeser. 2008. From punk kids to public enemy number one. Deviant Behavior
29.8: 753–774.
This case study of Public Enemy Number 1 (PEN1), an Alt-Right gang, illustrates how the routine “cafeteria-style” offending is
the group’s focus. An Alt-Right gang is not a homogenous group but a coexistence between white supremacy ideologues and
members guided by profit margins. Although traditional forms of political activism are of little interest with profit-oriented
criminality currently driving the group’s activities, it is possible for this dynamic to shift.
Vasquez, Eduardo A., Lisa Wenborne, Madeline Peers, Emma Alleyne, and Kristy Ellis. 2015. Any of them will do: In-
group identification, out-group entitativity, and gang membership as predictors of group-based retribution.
Aggressive Behavior 41.3: 242–252.
The authors examine the way in which out-group entitativity—the perception that the out-group is strongly bonded and unified
—influences patterns of gang-related violence. Findings show that gang members who identify more strongly with their group
perceived their rival group as having greater levels of entitativity and were more likely to retaliate against any individual
associated with the rival group, regardless of culpability. Additionally, entitativity was a significant predictor of group-based
aggression by a gang.
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