A Shift In Media Credibility

A SHIFT IN MEDIA CREDIBILITY
Comparing Internet and Traditional News Sources in South Korea
Daekyung Kim and Thomas J. Johnson
Abstract / This study surveyed politically interested online users to examine how they perceive the
traditional news media, their online counterparts and independent web-based newspapers, as well
as exploring which factors influenced credibility of online sources during the 2004 general election
in South Korea. Independent web-based newspapers were considered more credible for political infor-
mation than either traditional media or their online counterparts. Reliance on online and traditional
sources tended to be stronger predictors of credibility of online sources and political variables, such
as campaign interest, political involvement and voting, also turned out to be significant predictors.
Based on the findings, a shift in media credibility in Korea is discussed.
Keywords / credibility and culture / independent web-based newspapers / Internet credibility /
media credibility / political information
Introduction
Since the mid-1990s, there has been an exponential growth in Internet use and
access. By January 2007, the total number of Internet users in the world had reached
more than 1.2 billion, which indicates usage growth of almost 250 percent since
2000 (Internet World Statistics, 2007). With such a phenomenal growth, the Internet
is now perceived as a more important source of information than traditional mass
media (USC Center for the Digital Future, 2008) and the World Internet Project
revealed that online information is generally considered reliable and accurate by
people worldwide (UCLA Center for Communication Policy, 2004).
The growing use of the Internet, however, has raised concerns about the quality
and credibility of its information (France, 1999; Tucher, 1997). In fact, credibility is
of particular importance to the Internet as a news medium because people tend
not to use a source that they do not trust (Gaziano, 1988). Despite the rapid growth
in use of online information sources, some critics have argued against the credibility
of the Internet because of its easy access and lack of standards for publishing (Andie,
1997; Newhagen and Levy, 1997).
Despite the global nature of the Internet, most of the credibility studies have
examined US online users’ perception of the Internet (Schweiger, 2000). Given that
online credibility is an international issue, as individual users can access news and
The International Communication Gazette
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DOI: 10.1177/1748048509102182
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information from around the world, it is important to examine the degree to which
online information is perceived as credible by people around the world. In this vein,
South Korea (hereafter Korea) offers a unique circumstance to examine credibility
for both traditional and Internet news media.
Korea is well known as ‘the most wired country’ in the world (French, 2003)
because it has the highest level of broadband penetration and information technology
use. About 75 percent of Koreans have access to high-speed Internet, which makes
Korea ‘an ideal home for online news’ (Veale, 2007). Also, Koreans trust online
information more than other people in the world (UCLA Center for Communication
Policy, 2004).
Another unique aspect is related to the birth in Korea of the world’s first and
most interactive online newspaper. Founded in 2000, the citizen-based online news
site, OhmyNews, has quickly become a major credible news source in a very short
time. Considered as ‘a gold standard of citizen journalism’ (Jesdanun, 2005), some
scholars have argued that the citizen participatory news site has transformed 20th-
century journalism and demonstrated its potential as an international symbol of
alternative journalism for the 21st century (Gillmor, 2004; Veale, 2007). With this
in mind, the findings of this study may be able to give some useful insights into
imminent developments in other parts of the world in terms of accessibility and
perception of online news media in comparison with traditional news media.
Therefore, credibility about online sources has been an important issue to re-
searchers and media practitioners alike in Korea. Past studies, however, have tended
to examine the credibility of the Internet as a whole or online versions of traditional
media in general and thus overlooked the potential of the newly emerging web-
based news sites as alternative sources. Based on an online survey, this study examines
whether politically interested online users perceive the political information from the
Internet sources as credible as their traditional media and which factors predict
credibility ratings. To be specific, the present study compares the credibility ratings
of traditional news media, their online counterparts and independent web-based
newspapers. In addition, this study examines the degree to which several factors, such
as web use, reliance, political attitudes and demographic characteristics, are related
to the credibility of online sources.
Literature Review
Media Credibility and Internet
Since the seminal study of source credibility by Hovland and Weiss (1951), many
researchers have examined the impact of credibility of a medium or its message on
people’s attitudes and behaviors. Some researchers have examined variations in the
perceived credibility with regard to the socioeconomic characteristics of the audience
(e.g. Greenberg, 1966; spell? Westley and Severin, 1964). Others have paid attention
to different media channels and mainly compared the perceived credibility between
television and newspapers (e.g. Carter and Greenberg, 1965; Rimmer and Weaver,
1987).
284 THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNICATION GAZETTE VOL. 71 NO. 4
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Traditional mass media organizations have paid particular attention to the credi-
bility issue because their credibility ratings have gradually declined since the mid-
1980s. For example, there has been a decline in newspaper trust by readers, which
dropped from 80 percent in 1985 to 59 percent in 2003 (The Project for Excellence
in Journalism, 2004). As Schell states, the loss of credibility of media could have ‘a
corrosive effect’ on society in particular when considering the watch dog roles of
the media (cited in France, 1999: 122).
The advent and rapid growth of the Internet as a new information source during
the 1990s brought renewed attention to the issue of media credibility because most
past credibility studies had been conducted prior to the advent of the Internet
(Johnson and Kaye, 1998). There were concerns that the new information environ-
ment, driven by the distinctive features of web-based information, might lead to
the decline of information credibility. Thus, several studies were conducted in an
attempt to see how people perceived the credibility of online information compared
to traditional media (Flanagin and Metzger, 2000; Johnson and Kaye, 2000b, 2007;
Kiousis, 2001).
Some expressed a concern that the Internet might reduce the credibility of
traditional media. Unlike the traditional mass media, the Internet had fewer profes-
sional standards and social pressures to provide accurate and unbiased information
(‘On the Square’, 1996), and there were few contextual cues to allow users to judge
the credibility of information online (Newhagen and Levy, 1997). In essence, the free
and unregulated flow of information on the web could make it difficult to obtain
credible information and even lead to false information (Andie, 1997).
Contrary to those concerns, studies on the credibility of digital information
showed that people tended to have positive attitudes toward the credibility of
Internet sources. The first national study of the credibility of digital news revealed
that online users judged online media as a credible source of news and information
(Finberg and Stone, 2002). Similarly, the UCLA Internet report (UCLA Center for
Communication Policy, 2003) also revealed that nearly half of online news users
(48.5 percent) judged what they found online as accurate and reliable. Johnson
and Kaye (1998, 2000b) surveyed politically interested users online and found that
online users viewed online media as more credible than their traditional versions.
However, not all of the credibility studies found the Internet as credible as
traditional media, and reported mixed findings on the perceived credibility of online
information. For example, although Johnson and Kaye (2002) found that credibility
of online sources greatly increased from 1996 to 2000, the UCLA Internet report
(UCLA Center for Communication Policy, 2003) revealed that the percentage of
those who reported the Internet to be an important source of information dropped
from 67.3 percent in 2000 to 60.5 percent in 2002. Kiousis (2001) also found that
newspapers recorded the highest level of credibility, followed by online news and
television news. The conflicting results call for further research to see how people
perceive online sources in comparison with traditional media and what factors influ-
ence people’s perception about online media and messages.
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Internet Credibility around the World
In light of the global nature of the Internet, more studies should be conducted in
different countries in which there are different press systems and cultures, as they
may have different effects on the judgment of the credibility of online media sources.
In particular, the open and alternative characteristics of Internet sources can result
in different levels of credibility for online news media compared to traditional media.
There may be different perceptions of online sources between the free media world
and the world where the media are censored by government. In other words, people
in the western free media system tend to perceive traditional media as more credible,
while other people may turn to the Internet for more credible and balanced sources
because they do not trust the government-controlled traditional media.
For instance, Schweiger (2000) found that the German people still considered
newspapers and television more credible than the web, although they showed a quite
positive attitude toward the credibility of online news sources. On the other hand, a
study conducted in the Arab world showed that web users in the Persian Gulf region
gave higher credibility ratings to the Internet than in the US because most media
sources are under stricter control by the government (Johnson and Abdulrahim, 2000).
This may indicate that the Internet attracts the local audience as a news source,
serving as their window to the free media world.
In China, where there is heavy government censorship of specific websites, an
online poll found that a majority of online users (76.4 percent) viewed the Internet
as the major source of information, followed by 11.8 percent for television news
and fewer than 10 percent for newspapers and magazines. Also, the online survey
revealed that while television was considered as the most trustworthy source, Internet
news was more trusted than newspapers and radio (‘Online News . . .’, 2003). These
findings from different countries may indicate that people are more inclined to rely
on online information and view it as reliable in a situation where the government
has control over information.
Now that the Internet has become a globally accessible information source,
more people are using it to obtain the information they need. The World Internet
Project (UCLA Center for Communication Policy, 2004) found that in most countries
around the world, more than half of Internet users consider what they find online
to be reliable and accurate. Interestingly, Korean Internet users reported the highest
level of trust in online information, as nearly seven out of ten (69.7 percent) judged
that most or all online information is reliable and accurate; they were followed by
American Internet users at 53.1 percent.
The Media Situation in Korea
In 1987, Korean media achieved western-style freedom of the press when a sweeping
democratic movement replaced the authoritarian government with a more plural-
istic system, thereby resulting in virtual freedom of the press in Korea (Youm, 1994).
Despite the considerable achievement of the free press since 1987, the major problem
was that the Korean media market was dominated by a handful of media outlets.
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For example, the two major national television networks, the Korean Broadcasting
System (KBS) and the Munhwa Broadcasting System (MBC), accounted for more
than 80 percent of broadcasting revenue (Lee, 1997).
Similarly, the newspaper market was overwhelmingly dominated by three conser-
vative newspapers, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo and Dong-Ah Ilbo, which are also
known collectively as ‘Chojoongdong’. These newspapers are family-run daily news-
papers and account for 70 percent of the newspaper market share. In addition, the
owners hold more than a 90 percent share of the newspaper companies, so they play
a very powerful role in reporting news, and focus more on commercial profit (Lee,
1997). Youm (1994) contended that since democratization in the mid-1980s, freedom
of press has become just the freedom of publishers, not freedom of the people.
In short, in spite of democratization since 1987, the quasi-monopoly of tele-
vision and the oligopoly of the three conservative newspapers in South Korea have
dominated public opinion and maintained a close relationship with the political
power by representing the mainstream public and conservative politicians (Lee, 1997;
Youm, 1994). Ordinary people have had little chance to effectively participate in the
marketplace of public opinion.
The emergence of independent online news sites, however, started to break the
quasi-monopoly of opinion (Le Monde, 2003). For example, OhmyNews, the fore-
runner of citizen-based participatory journalism, founded in 2000, has become one
of the most influential online news sites. With the motto, ‘every citizen is a reporter’,
OhmyNews has more than 42,000 registered citizen journalists who contribute on
a daily basis their own stories and pictures on issues ranging from routine life events
to political opinion (Veale, 2007). The biggest challenge to traditional journalism
is that OhmyNews, by empowering them to become active information providers,
gives people a tremendous chance to have a voice and communicate with others
(Schrieder, 2004). In other words, people began to recognize the social and politi-
cal potential of independent online news sites to shake up the traditional news
media and political culture in Korea.
Indeed, a survey conducted by a leading Korean news magazine showed a major
transformation was sweeping through the media industry (Sisa-Journal, 2004). Even
though the two major national networks (MBC and KBS) and the three conservative
newspapers (the Chojoongdong) still ranked as the top five in media power, three
Internet news media, OhmyNews, PRESSian and Media Daum,1 had entered into
the top 10 outlets for the first time in Korean media history. The survey concluded
that in terms of their impact on Korean society, newspapers had held steady, tele-
vision had declined and the Internet media had grown. These survey results indicate
that the public in Korea still relied heavily on the traditional news media, but they
were also beginning to acknowledge the Internet media as an alternative where
they could seek other viewpoints often not available in the mainstream news media.
The Internet and Politics in Korea
Korea is a unique country in which to examine the credibility of online information
because there has been an extraordinary growth in Internet penetration and a
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powerful impact of the Internet on politics during the past decade (French, 2003).
Almost 35 million Koreans are Internet users, accounting for two-thirds of the whole
population. A majority of people (87.6 percent) use the Internet for information
seeking rather than entertainment (NIDA, 2006).
In addition, with the highest level of broadband penetration in the world, the
UCLA World Internet Project (UCLA Center for Communication Policy, 2004) reports
that Korea has the largest proportion of Internet users (57.7 percent) using the
Internet on an average of 10 hours or more per week. More importantly, Korea
Internet users show the highest level of trust in online information. As mentioned
earlier, nearly 70 percent judged most or all of the online information as reliable
and accurate, compared to 53 percent of American users.
During the 2002 Korean presidential election, the Internet played a major role
in electing Roh Moo-hyun as president, a candidate considered as relatively liberal
and reform-minded. As such, the election was viewed as the first Internet election
in the world, shaking up the traditional landscape of Korean politics (French, 2003;
Watts, 2003). In particular, the younger generation, distrustful of the conservative
mainstream media, turned to the alterative channels of the Internet, which allowed
them to express their own political ideas as well as actively participate in forming
online political agenda (Rhee, 2003).
Given that the conservative newspapers implicitly supported the opposing
candidate during the election, it was argued that Korea was in the midst of a shift
in media power: the declining power of major newspapers and the increasing influ-
ence of the Internet in Korean politics. Still, an opinion poll after the election showed
that television had played a major role for the electorate in deciding on who to vote
for (Rhee, 2003)
Media Credibility in Korea
A survey revealed that the credibility of the traditional media has increasingly declined,
while the Internet has greatly increased (Korean Press Foundation, 2002. When
asked to rate whether the press was generally doing a good job, the Korean public
gave it 2.75 on a five-point scale in 2000, down from 3.19 in 1998. Their rating of
the credibility of the traditional media dropped from 3.06 in 1998 to 2.77 in 2000.
During the same period of time, however, the degree of Internet credibility increased
from 3.17 to 3.23. Radio (3.46) was rated as the most credible source, followed by
television, Internet and newspapers. While there has been a decline in the press’s
credibility, the Korean public have shown more positive attitudes toward the Internet
as more and more people are relying on the online sources.
Despite considerable concern, few academic studies in Korea have been con-
ducted to understand how people perceive traditional media and online sources.
Park (2005) found that Koreans considered traditional news sources as more credible
than Internet sources. By contrast, Ban (2003) conducted an experimental study in
an attempt to compare the credibility of Internet news media and traditional media
and found that college students viewed online news media (credibility score = 4.85)
as more credible than traditional media (credibility score = 3.72). Those studies,
however, did not include the newly emerging independent online news sources.
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Independent web-based news sites have become very influential information
sources in a relatively short time. For example, an online survey (Research and
Research, 2003) reported that online users judged the leading independent online
news outlet, OhmyNews, as the fourth most credible medium, while national tele-
vision networks were still considered the most credible. More interestingly, the infant
web-based news source turned out to be more credible than the three major news-
papers that have dominated public opinion for so long in Korea. Similarly, Kim and
Johnson (2006) found that online political news users during the 2004 general
election in Korea relied more on independent web-based news sites than the
traditional media or their online counterparts for political information.
Factors Affecting the Credibility of the Internet
Political Attitudes and Credibility
Although past researchers have found a link between media use and political atti-
tudes (e.g. McLeod and Becker, 1974), early studies of Internet credibility showed
that political attitudes had little influence on the credibility of online sources because
Internet users in general are politically interested and active (Johnson and Kaye,
2000a, 2003). Indeed, Johnson and Kaye (2000b) found that only campaign interest
significantly predicted credibility in online newspapers and television news, and politi-
cal interest was correlated with credibility of online issue sources
However, as the web audience has become more mainstream and the trust in
government has increased, political attitudes have appeared to be more predictive
of online credibility. It was found that political partisanship and trust in the govern-
ment consistently predicted online credibility, while strength of party support signifi-
cantly predicted the credibility of online print media and radio news (Johnson and
Kaye, 2002).
Also, recent research on the credibility of blogs showed that political variables,
such as political interest, political involvement and election interest, proved to be
strong predictors of blog credibility (Johnson and Kaye, 2004; Johnson et al., 2007).
The Relationship between the Internet and Media Reliance
Past studies showed that credibility of a medium is positively related to how often
individuals use it (ASNE, 1985; Carter and Greenberg, 1965; Westley and Severin,
1964). However, Rimmer and Weaver (1987) pointed out that reliance was a stronger
predictor of credibility than general use measures because how credible one perceives
a medium is more linked to individuals’ attitudes toward the medium than the
simple frequency of media use.
Most studies of Internet credibility also found that how credible one perceives
the Internet was more strongly associated with how much individuals rely on it.
Studies revealed that reliance on traditional media strongly predicted perception of
credibility of its online counterparts more than reliance on the web (Johnson and
Kaye, 2000b, 2002). However, there were mixed findings regarding the effects of
Internet reliance on credibility of online information. Most recently, while Johnson
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and Kaye (2002) found that reliance on the Internet did not predict the credibility
of online sources, another study suggested that the more people use the Internet,
the more credible they rate online information (Greer, 2003). More interestingly,
recent studies have found that reliance on blogs appeared to be a strong predictor
of blog credibility (Johnson and Kaye, 2004; Johnson et al., 2007; Kim, 2006). The
findings suggest that blog users judged blogs as credible not because of information
was necessarily perceived as fair but because it was in-depth. Blogs seem to be
alternative sources in which users can find personal, opinionated and thoughtful
analysis of current issues or events often not covered by the traditional news media.
Demographics and Credibility
Past media credibility studies reported that older males and those with high levels
of education and income were more likely to be critical of the media (ASNE, 1985;
Mulder, 1981; Robinson and Kohut, 1998). In addition, it was found that while men
give newspapers the highest credibility rating, women tend to judge television as
the most credible (Greenberg, 1966; Westley and Severin, 1964). With regard to
the Internet, Johnson and Kaye (1998) found that young, less educated females
considered online sources as the most credible. As more people were increasingly
becoming part of the web population, however, demographic variables were found
to have less effect on online credibility in the US (Johnson and Kaye, 2000b, 2002).
Despite the rapidly growing number of Internet users during a relatively short
time, it is obvious that demographic digital divisions exist in Korea. For example,
men with a high level of education are more likely to use the Internet (KNIC, 2003).
Another survey revealed that young males with high educational levels were more
likely to rate the Internet as more credible (Korean Press Foundation, 2002). There-
fore, it was expected that demographics may be a strong predictor of media credi-
bility in Korea.
Research Questions
Based on the preceding discussion, the present study addresses the following research
questions:
RQ1a: To what degree do Korean Internet users judge independent web-based
newspapers, online television news, newspapers, news magazines, radio news and
their traditionally delivered counterparts as credible sources for political information
during the 2004 general election in Korea?
RQ1b: In particular, how do Korean Internet users perceive credibility of inde-
pendent web-based newspapers compared to that of online versions run by tradi-
tional news media?
RQ2: Is reliance on online or on traditionally delivered sources a better predic-
tor of credibility of online sources among Korean Internet users?
RQ3: To what degree does reliance on online media for political information
predict the credibility of online media sources after controlling for demographics,
political attitudes and reliance on the traditional media?
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Method
Data Collection
This study is based on an online survey designed to examine whether politically
interested web users in South Korea perceive traditional news media, their online
counterparts and independent web-based newspapers as a credible source for politi-
cal information and which factors predict the credibility ratings of both traditional
and online news media. In this study, independent web-based newspapers refer to
online newspapers not associated with traditional news media organizations, while
online newspapers refer to online versions of traditional media. For example, Chosun.
com run by Chosun Ilbo is an online newspaper, while OhmyNews is an indepen-
dent web-based newspaper.
The survey was posted on the World Wide Web for two weeks (1 April–14 April
2004) before the 2004 National Assembly election on 15 April in South Korea. Notices
were posted on the websites of the four main political parties, political webzines,
discussion forums and NGO websites, asking Internet users to participate in the
survey.2 A total of 249 individuals completed the survey. Because of the unique
features of the Internet that make it difficult to generate a random sample from
the population (Kaye and Johnson, 1999), this study employs a convenience sample
of politically interested people on the Internet.
Dependent Measures
The dependent variable is media credibility. In recognizing that credibility is best
measured as a multidimensional construct, this study followed the credibility measure-
ments of earlier studies conducted by Johnson and Kaye (1998, 2000b). Respondents
were asked to rate the degree of believability, fairness, accuracy and depth of each
online and traditional media source on a five-point scale ranging from 1 (not at
all) to 5 (very). Scores for the four measures of credibility were combined into a
credibility index for each online and traditional media source. The standardized
Cronbach’s alphas for the seven media ranged from .92 (television) to .97 (web-
based newspapers).
Independent Measures
Source Use and Reliance
To examine media use in general, the respondents were asked to respond to five
measures: average time on the Internet a week, average time watching television
a week, average time reading newspapers, average time listening to radio a week
and the number of years they have accessed the Internet. All of the five measures
were open-ended. With regard to reliance on each media source for political infor-
mation, respondents were asked: ‘How much do you rely on the following sources
(newspapers, television, radio, newspapers online, television online, radio online and
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independent online newspapers) for political information during 2004 general elec-
tion campaign?’, based on a five-point scale ranging from 1 (do not rely on at all)
to 5 (heavily rely on).
Political Attitudes
To discover how political variables are related to media credibility, respondents were
asked to judge on a five-point scale the degree to which they have become involved
in politics since gaining access to the Internet. The responses ranged from ‘greatly
decreased’ (1) to ‘greatly increased’ (5). Also, respondents answered how interested
they were in politics in general and in the current election campaign based on a 10-
point scale where 1 is ‘not interested at all’ and 10 is ‘greatly interested’. After being
asked about which political party they support, respondents indicated how strongly
they support the party on a five-point scale ranging from 1 (very weakly support)
to 5 (very strongly support). Lastly, respondents indicated the likelihood of voting
on a 10-point scale where 1 is ‘will never vote’ to 10 ‘will definitely vote’.
Demographics
Based on the findings of past studies that some of the demographic variables are
associated with credibility of the traditional media, this study employed traditional
measures of demographics such as gender, age, income and education to examine
the relationship between the perceptions of credibility of online media sources and
the demographic variables.
Data Analysis
First, frequencies were run on the three traditional media and their online counter-
parts’ credibility indices. Second, paired t-tests also were conducted to compare the
credibility index of online media with that of their traditionally delivered counterparts.
Finally, a series of hierarchical regressions was conducted to discover the degree
to which independent variables affect the credibility index of each online news
medium. The predictors were entered into each of the regression models as blocks.
Demographic variables (gender, age, education and income) were entered first,
followed by political variables (political involvement, political interest, campaign
interest, strength of party support, likelihood of voting). Uses of traditional media
were entered fourth, followed by reliance on traditional media. Last, reliance on
online media was entered into the regression model.
Results
Profile of Respondents
A total of 249 respondents completed the online survey. More than seven out of
10 (73.1 percent) were males, with an average age of 33. More than eight out
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of 10 (86.8 percent) reported attending college or holding a college degree or higher.
Slightly more than seven out of 10 (71.5 percent) reported a middle or high level of
household income. Respondents spend an average of 17 hours per week connected
to Internet, nine hours watching television, three hours reading newspapers and two
hours listening to radio. Almost three-quarters of the respondents (72.2 percent)
have used the Internet for more than five years. The respondents relied on or heavily
relied on independent web-based newspapers the most (71.9 percent), followed
by television (36.5 percent), online television (26.9 percent) and newspapers (17.7
percent).
Almost all of the respondents (97.2 percent) reported an increase or a strong
increase in political involvement since beginning to use the Internet. More than eight
out of 10 (88.8 percent) were interested or very interested in politics, while 97.6
percent were interested or very interested in the 2004 general election. More than
nine out of 10 (96.8 percent) reported belonging to a political party, while three-
quarters (75.1 percent) reported loose or very loose ties to a party. Also, it was found
that 98.8 percent were likely to vote in the election.
Credibility of Traditional and Online Sources
Independent web-based newspapers turned out to be more credible for political
information than either the traditional media or their online counterparts (Table 1).
Newspapers and online newspapers were thought of as ‘not at all’ to ‘not very’
TABLE 1
Perceptions of Credibility of Traditional and Online Media Sources (N = 249)
Newspapers Online newspapers
Not at all/not very 60.6 Not at all/not very 61.4
Somewhat 29.6 Somewhat 26.9
Moderately/very 9.6 Moderately/very 11.6
Television Online television
Radio Online radio
Independent online newspapers
Not at all/not very 16.9
Somewhat 23.7
Moderately/very 59.3
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credible by slightly more than six out of 10 of the respondents. The largest proportion
of the respondents reported both television and online television as ‘somewhat’
credible, which was nearly identical to radio and online radio. On the other hand,
almost six out of 10 (59.3 percent) indicated that the independent web-based news-
papers are moderately to very credible.
Comparison of Traditional Sources to Online Counterparts
Although some of the results of previous studies in the US showed that online
sources are considered more credible than traditional sources by online users (e.g.
Johnson and Kaye, 1998), Table 2 shows that Korean Internet users judged tradi-
tional sources as more credible. The credibility score for online newspapers was
higher than traditional newspapers, but it was not significant. On the other hand,
both traditional television and radio were thought of as significantly more credible
than their online counterparts.
Predictors of Online Media Credibility
As a whole, regression analyses revealed that reliance on traditional and online
sources are the strongest predictors of credibility for online media sources. None of
demographic variables significantly predicted credibility of online sources, but some
political variables such as campaign interest, political involvement and likelihood
of voting, turned out to be significant predictors. For simplicity’s sake, only the last
stage of the hierarchical regression is reported here.
Online Newspapers
Perceptions of online newspapers’ credibility for political information were signifi-
cantly predicted by reliance on both newspapers and online newspapers even after
TABLE 2
Credibility of Traditionally Delivered Information Sources vs Online Counterparts
Means and paired samples t-scores Credibility
Newspapers 2.16
Online Newspaper 2.20
t-score –.59
Television 3.04
Online television 2.90
t-score 4.68**
Radio 2.66
Online radio 2.54
t-score 4.06**
** p <.01, two-tailed.
04 Kim 102182 12/3/09 1:19 pm Page 294

controlling for demographics and political variables (Table 3). However, reliance on
traditional newspapers (! = .22, p < .01) was a better predictor of credibility than
reliance on online newspapers (! = .20, p < .05). The regression model showed that
24 percent of the variance is significantly predicted in credibility of online news-
papers (R2 = .24 p = .018). On the other hand, contrary to the results of past studies
in the US indicating that campaign interest significantly predicts online newspapers’
credibility in a positive way (e.g. Johnson and Kaye, 2000b), this study found that
campaign interest is a negative predictor of credibility for online newspapers (! =
–.24, p < .01).
Online Television
Reliance on traditional and online television significantly predicted perceptions of
online television’s credibility for political information even after controlling for demo-
graphic variables and political variables (Table 3). However, reliance on traditional
television (! = .35, p < .01) was a better predictor of credibility than reliance on
online television (! = .25, p < .01). The measures accounted for 30 percent in the
TABLE 3
Hierarchical Regression Analysis of Predictors of Credibility of Online News Sources
Predictor variables Regression 1 Regression 2 Regression 3 Regression 4
Online NPs Online TV Online radio Web-based NPs
Gender .04 –.08 .03 .01
Age –.08 –.07 –.07 .00
Education –.02 .07 .03 .07
Income .03 –.01 .05 –.04
Political involvement .04 .10 .03 .16**
Political interest .06 –.06 –.01 –.02
Campaign interest –.24** –.02 –.05 .05
Strength of party support –.03 .00 –.05 –.05
Likelihood of voting .11 –.01 .04 .10
Rely on TV .02 .35** .33** .20**
Rely on newspapers .22** –.22** –.10 –.09
Rely on radio .00 .05 .14 –.10
Rely on TV online .05 .25** .00 –.12
Rely on newspapers online .20* .12 .05 –.07
Relay on radio online .06 .04 .12 .22**
Rely on web-based newspapers .00 .09 .04 .38**
R2 .24 .30 .20 .30
Adjusted R2 .19 .25 .15 .25
R2 change .04 .09 .01 .13
Sig. of change .018 .000 .453 .000
Note: NPs refer to newspapers.
* p < .05; ** p < .01.
04 Kim 102182 12/3/09 1:19 pm Page 295

variance in predicting credibility of online television (R2 = .30, p = .000). More inter-
estingly, there is a significantly negative relationship between reliance on newspapers
and credibility of online television. It indicates that people who read newspapers more
heavily for political information tend to consider online television as less credible
(Table 3). However, none of the political or demographic variables were significant.
Online Radio
Unlike any online source, reliance on television (! = .33, p < .01) was the best predic-
tor for online radio credibility. Reliance on radio (! = .22, p < .01) was significantly
related to the credibility of online radio until online reliance variables were entered
into the regression model (Table 3). However, political or demographic variables did
not predict the credibility of online radio.
Independent Web-Based Newspapers
Table 3 shows that reliance on independent web newspapers (! = .38, p < .01)
was the strongest predictor of credibility for online web newspapers, followed by
reliance on online radio (! = .22, p < .01) and reliance on television (! = .20, p <
.01). The regression model shows that 30 percent of the variance is significantly pre-
dicted for credibility of online newspapers (R2 = .30, p = .000). Among the political
variables, political involvement significantly predicted the credibility of web-based
newspapers (! = .16, p < .05). Likelihood of voting was significantly linked with
web-based newspapers’ credibility until reliance variables were entered into the
regression model (! = .15, p < .05).
Conclusions and Discussion
Given the growing popularity and influence of online media as political sources, this
study examined how web users in Korea judge traditional news media, their online
counterparts and independent web newspapers for political information, as well as
explored which factors influence the credibility of online sources. Consistent with
the findings of past studies in the US (e.g. Johnson and Kaye, 2000a, 2000b), the
respondents showed strong political interest and intent to vote. Almost 90 percent
reported being interested or very interested in politics, and a majority of the respon-
dents were likely or highly likely to vote in the election.
During the 2004 election, politically interested online users in Korea not only
relied heavily on independent web-based newspapers for political information, but
they also considered the political information on the web-based newspapers to be
more credible than traditional news media or their online counterparts. While elec-
tronic media including television and radio were considered somewhat credible,
both printed newspapers and their online sites were thought of as less credible than
any other source, consistent with a survey indicating that newspapers were the least
credible source in Korean media system (Korean Press Foundation, 2002). In other
words, online media are increasingly becoming more credible and more important
04 Kim 102182 12/3/09 1:19 pm Page 296

sources for political information than the traditional news media. In particular, it is
a serious sign for the newspaper industry that most Internet users not only did not
rely on information from printed newspapers, but they also did not consider the
information as credible.
Reliance on traditional and online sources was strongly associated with credi-
bility of online media, consistent with the findings of past studies (Johnson and Kaye,
2000b, 2002; Rimmer and Weaver, 1987). The credibility of both online television
and newspapers was better predicted by reliance on the traditional news media than
on their online counterparts. On the other hand, reliance on television only predicted
the credibility of online radio, while independent web newspapers’ credibility was
predicted by reliance on traditional television, newspapers, online radio and inde-
pendent web newspapers. All of these findings reinforced past studies suggesting
that the Internet may coexist with traditional news media, supplementing rather
than replacing them (Finberg and Stone, 2002).
One of the interesting findings is that there are some negative relationships
between media. Reliance on newspapers negatively predicted the credibility of online
television. The more people read newspapers, the less they consider online television
as credible. Similarly, reliance on newspapers significantly and negatively predicted
the credibility of independent web newspapers, indicating those who read news-
papers are more likely to perceive independent web newspapers as less credible.
The negative relationship between printed newspapers and online television and
web-based newspapers cannot be fully explained by this study, but it could be due
to personal political ideology. Both the major national broadcasting networks (MBC
and KBS) and the two leading online newspapers (OhmyNews and Pressian) criticized
the president’s impeachment led by the opposition party in congress for violating
democratic principles, while the three major conservative newspapers (Chojoong-
dong) reported in favor of the impeachment decision during the campaign. There-
fore, liberals who relied on online news sources may have judged the independent
web-based newspaper as more credible, while conservatives may have viewed the
traditional newspapers as more credible.
Previous studies show that political variables have little impact on the credibility
of online media because web users are in general more politically interested and
motivated than other people. Only campaign interest and political interest were
associated with online information sources (Johnson and Kaye, 2000b). Contrary to
the positive relationship between campaign interest and credibility of online news-
papers, this study found a significantly negative relationship between campaign
interest and online newspapers’ credibility. In other words, the Internet users who
have a high level of campaign interest judged the online counterparts of tradition-
ally delivered media as less credible.
On the other hand, the credibility of independent web-based newspapers was
significantly predicted by political involvement and likelihood of voting. Given the
finding that a majority of the respondents reported that they have been more
involved in politics since becoming Internet users, independent web-based news-
papers have become the main information tool and a reliable resource for online
political news users in Korea.
04 Kim 102182 12/3/09 1:19 pm Page 297

In this regard, it is quite interesting to note a shift in media credibility from
traditional media sources to Internet sources as online users gave a higher credi-
bility rating to independent web-based news sites than traditional media, despite
their lack of the journalistic norm of objectivity. For example, OhmyNews has been
defined as ‘a wild, inconsistent, unpredictable blend of the Drudge report, Slashdot
and a traditional, but partisan, newspaper’ (Kahney, 2003). One reader, however,
said that ‘It has a personal side and an emotional side. It has human texture. It’s not
bland and objective like traditional news. There’s a definite bias. It’s not professional,
but you get the facts. I trust it’ (Kahney, 2003). Johnson et al. (2007) found that
people judged blogs as highly credible for in-depth of information, while recog-
nizing the weak credibility for fairness of information. These finding may call for
new criteria on credibility of online information sources where people can find
alternative information not ignored by mainstream media and they can interact with
other like-minded people.
Rodgers (2005) argued that interactivity of the participatory online news site
made a considerable contribution to building its reputation as a reliable and credible
news source, even though most news stories are contributed by citizen reporters with
no experience in the journalistic profession. The two most interactive devices are a
daily readers’ poll on the front page and a comments page linked to each story where
readers can not only post their comments on each article, but they also vote on
whether they approve or disapprove of the comments. As such, it can be said that
citizen contributors and 3 million daily active users are making up the editorial policy
of OhmyNews through interaction with news stories and other citizens. Bowman
and Willis (2003) also pointed out that in participatory journalism, trust is built from
the bottom up where anonymous individuals have to interact with others to gain
trust through the ranking and rating of content or content creators. In contrast,
trust of traditional media is built top down, where trained reporters develops certain
journalistic norms to gain credibility and news and information is gathered and
disseminated through the methods of verification.
The findings can also be explained by Internet users’ political orientations and
their political power in shaping political opinions online. Since the 2002 presidential
election, Korean netizens have played a major role in the process of online campaigns.
During the 2004 parliamentary election, Korean web users played a huge role in the
victory of the ruling party by dominating opinion against the presidential impeach-
ment, which played a decisive role in people’s voting decisions. A newspaper reported
that the power of Korean politics comes from ‘the keyboard’ (Hankyoreh Newspaper,
2004b). Also, a poll showed that Korean netizens use the Internet the most for poli-
tical news, followed by television and newspapers (Hankyoreh Newspaper, 2004a).
In essence, they are a very progressive and liberal generation. Instead of depending
on political information from traditional news media, they are likely to turn to the
alternative potential of the Internet. Accordingly, the higher their political interest
and political involvement, the more they rely on the web-based newspapers for
political news and information (Kim and Johnson, 2006).
Similarly, despite its powerful impact, some critics have argued that the Korean
mainstream media have failed to serve as a watchdog of established political and
04 Kim 102182 12/3/09 1:19 pm Page 298

economic power or to provide a public sphere. Dominated by the mainstream power
groups for such a long time, the Korean press have tended to support the estab-
lished interests of the elite, keeping the general audience out of the process of
forming public opinion. (Choi, 2003). A survey of media audiences (Korean Press
Foundation, 2002) rated respondents’ satisfaction with the press as 2.76 on a five-
point scale, down from 2.91 in 2000. During the same period, satisfaction with the
Internet increased, while television and newspapers scores dropped. Korean online
users tend to distrust the conventional media system, which has for so long played
a major role in establishing the highly conservative and centralized structure of
communication in Korea’s political culture. Instead, they have turned to the Internet
for more up-to-date and reliable political information.
Contrary to expectations, none of the demographical variables significantly pre-
dicted the credibility of online news media. While the Internet reaches three-quarters
of the population, the differences in demographical variables did not influence how
they perceive online media. The result supports the finding that demographics are
weak predictors for media credibility (Johnson and Kaye, 2000b, 2002).
This study, of course, has some limitations. Mainly, it did not employ a random
sample because the Internet has no central registry system, making it difficult to
generate a random sample (Kaye and Johnson, 1999). Thus, the data for this study
were collected from an online survey with a purposive sample to target Internet
users going online for political purposes during the election. The results cannot be
generalized to the population as a whole.
Despite this drawback, online surveys are becoming a popular means for
collecting meaningful data from special subsets of online users who regularly use
the Internet (Sills and Song, 2002). This study was not intended to generate a
random sample, instead it aimed at examining how politically interested online users
view online media compared to the traditional media. Future research should be
considered with a larger and more representative sample.
In addition, online news, as suggested earlier, may require new dimensions of
credibility. The interactive nature of the Internet as a news medium allows ordinary
people to participate in the process of journalistic practices, thereby possibly altering
the way people perceive the media and the message. The results of this study were
too limited to provide more in-depth explanations about why online users perceived
online news sources more credible than the traditional media. It would be note-
worthy, therefore, to examine the different way credibility of online news media is
built through interactive use of online news.
Lastly, the findings of this study represent the distinctive media history, the
relationship with government and political culture in Korea, so that there may be a
question of the generalizability of the results to other regions in the world. Nonethe-
less, given that Korea is the most wired country in the world where online media
compete with traditional media, the findings could serve as a mirror for other
countries in the world in the future. Accordingly, it was hoped that this study could
serve as a source of inspiration for more research into how people perceive online
news media in other countries in which people are increasingly turning to the
Internet for news and information.
04 Kim 102182 12/3/09 1:19 pm Page 299

Notes
1. OhmyNews (www.ohmynews.com) and PRESSian (www.pressian.com) are independent web-
based newspapers, and Media Daum (www.daum.net) is a news service run by one of the major
web portals (Daum).
2. To attract politically interested users representing a broad ideological spectrum, notices were
posted on the following websites: government sites (www.president.co.kr, www.nec.go.kr),
political parties (www.eparty.co.kr, www.hannara.co.kr, www.kdlp.org, www.minjoo.co.kr),
political webzines (www.seoprise.com, www.politizone.org, www.namprise.com, www.chogabje.
com), civic groups (www.cybercorea.org, www.redcard2004, www.mulgari.com, www.nosamo.
org), discussion forum of portal services and major media (yahoo korea, media daum, www.
chosun.com, www.donga.com, www.joins.com, www.hani.co.kr, kbs.co.kr, www.imbc.com),
other (www.liveis.com, radio21.co.kr) and major politicians’ supporter sites on Daum and home-
pages.
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Daekyung Kim is currently an assistant professor in James E. Rogers’ Depart-
ment of Mass Communication at Idaho State University. His research interests
include new media effects, international and political communication.
Address Department of Mass Communication, 921 South 8th Ave, Stop 8242,
Idaho State University, Pocatello, ID 83209, USA. [email: kimdk@isu.edu]
Thomas J. Johnson is currently the Marshall and Sharleen Formby Regents
Professor in College of Mass Communication at Texas Tech University. His
research interests lie in the areas of new media technology, credibility, and politi-
cal communication.
Address College of Mass Communications, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, TX
79409, USA. [email: t.johnson@ttu.edu]
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A Shift In Media Credibility

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