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Terror Hits Home: The Oklahoma
City Bombing
 On the morning of April 19,
1995, an ex-Army soldier and
security guard named Timothy
McVeigh parked a rented Ryder
truck in front of the Alfred P.
Murrah Federal Building in
downtown Oklahoma City. He
was about to commit mass
murder.
 Inside the vehicle was a powerful bomb made out of a deadly
cocktail of agricultural fertilizer, diesel fuel, and other
chemicals. McVeigh got out, locked the door, and headed
towards his getaway car. He ignited one timed fuse, then
another.
 At precisely 9:02 a.m., the bomb exploded.
 Within moments, the surrounding area looked like a war
zone. A third of the building had been reduced to rubble,
with many floors flattened like pancakes. Dozens of cars were
incinerated and more than 300 nearby buildings were
damaged or destroyed.
 The human toll was still more devastating: 168 souls lost,
including 19 children, with several hundred more injured.
 Coming on the heels of the World Trade Center bombing
in New York two years earlier, the media and many
Americans immediately assumed that the attack was the
handiwork of Middle Eastern terrorists.
 The FBI, meanwhile, quickly arrived at the scene and
began supporting rescue efforts and investigating the
facts. Beneath the pile of concrete and twisted steel were
clues. And the FBI was determined to find them.
 It didn’t take long. On April 20,
the rear axle of the Ryder truck
was located, which yielded a
vehicle identification number
that was traced to a body shop
in Junction City, Kansas.
Employees at the shop helped
the FBI quickly put together a
composite drawing of the man
who had rented the van. Agents
showed the drawing around
town, and local hotel employees
supplied a name: Tim McVeigh
 A quick call to the Bureau’s Criminal Justice Information
Services Division in West Virginia on April 21 led to an
astonishing discovery: McVeigh was already in jail. He’d
been pulled over about 80 miles north of Oklahoma City
by an observant Oklahoma State Trooper who noticed a
missing license plate on his yellow Mercury Marquis.
McVeigh had a concealed weapon and was arrested. It
was just 90 minutes after the bombing.
 From there, the evidence began adding up. Agents found
traces of the chemicals used in the explosion on
McVeigh’s clothes and a business card on which McVeigh
had suspiciously scribbled, “TNT @ $5/stick, need more”.
 They learned about McVeigh’s extremist ideologies and
his anger over the events at Waco two years earlier. They
discovered that a friend of McVeigh’s named Terry
Nichols helped build the bomb and that another man—
Michael Fortier—was aware of the bomb plot.
 The bombing was quickly solved, but the investigation
turned out to be one of the most exhaustive in FBI history.
No stone was left unturned to make sure every clue was
found and all the culprits identified.
 By the time it was over, the Bureau had conducted more
than 28,000 interviews, followed some 43,000
investigative leads, amassed three-and-a-half tons of
evidence, and reviewed nearly a billion pieces of
information.
East African Embassy Bombings
 On August 7, 1998, nearly simultaneous bombs blew up in
front of the American embassies in Nairobi, Kenya, and
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Two hundred and twenty-four
people died in the blasts, including 12 Americans, and
more than 4,500 people were wounded.
 In the aftermath of the attacks, over 900 FBI agents
alone—and many more FBI employees—traveled overseas
to assist in the recovery of evidence and the identification
of victims at the bomb sites and to track down the
perpetrators.
 Under US. Federal law, the FBI is mandated with the
responsibility of investigating certain crimes committed
against American persons and property abroad.
 The attacks against the Embassies in Nairobi and Dar es
Salaam fall under this mandate. Within hours of the
bombings, FBI personnel were dispatched to East Africa to
assist the Kenyan Criminal Investigative Division (CID) and
Tanzanian CID in conducting crime scene forensic
examinations, as well as investigative interviews, searches
and arrests.
 The information was primarily developed as a result of
these investigations at Nairobi and Dar es Salaam.
 It should be noted however, that a significant reason for
the success of these investigations to date has been the
willingness of the Kenyan, Tanzanian and many other
friendly foreign governments to assist and facilitate the
investigative efforts when possible.
 The FBI recognizes that this spirit of cooperation has
been, and will continue to be, very important to the ability
in countering the very real threat posed by Usama Bin
Ladin and his affiliates to the safety of ordinary people
worldwide.
11-M
March 11, 2004 - At 7:37 a.m., coordinated attacks including
10 bombs on four commuter trains at three different
stations, kill 191 people and wound more than 1,800.
March 11, 2004 - Spanish Interior Minister Angel Acebes
states that authorities can't rule out the possibility the
bombings "might be linked with the Arab world." Al Qaeda is
known for large, coordinated attacks.
No group has admitted responsibility but Spain's
government blames Basque separatist group Eta for the
attacks which come ahead of Sunday's election.
"There is no doubt Eta is responsible," said Spain's interior
minister.
"ETA had been looking for a massacre in Spain," the minister,
Angel Acebes, said after an emergency cabinet meeting.
"Unfortunately, today it achieved its goal," he told a news
conference, saying the security services were certain ETA was
behind the blasts.
Investigators found an intact bomb in a gym bag they
presumed was aboard one of the trains. The bag, with the
bomb in it, was actually discovered at a police station, after it
had been taken to the large temporary morgue at Madrid's
main convention center fairgrounds. Inside they found a
Spanish-made explosive, a detonator with a cell phone and a
timer. The cell phone opened up "new lines of investigation.
" The explosive found in the bag was not of the type usually
used by ETA, but was instead a more "modern" version of
ETA's usual dynamite.
According to a report of the European Strategic Intelligence
and Security Center (ESISC), the same morning of the
bombings the Spanish Intelligence Services and Policy had
concluded that the author of the massacre was an Islamist
terrorist group, but they had been ordered by the
government to deny this Islamist attribution and insist that
the ETA were the only suspects, although this same source
also states that there is no precedent of collaboration of
international Islamists with non-Muslims, and there were two
non-Muslims (and police informers) involved in the Madrid
attacks.
The government sent messages to all Spanish embassies
abroad ordering that they uphold the version that ETA was
responsible. President José María Aznar even called a
number of newspaper editors and publishers personally to
ask for their support for this version.
The Spanish government maintained this theory for two
days. Because the bombs were three days before the general
elections in Spain, the situation had many political
interpretations. The massacre also took place exactly two and
a half years after the 11 September attacks on the United
States in 2001.
Other interpretations of this date since 9/11 points out that
the bombing took place 911 days exactly since the 11
September terrorist attack.
The United States also initially believed ETA was responsible,
then questioning if Islamists were responsible. Spain's third
largest newspaper ABC, immediately labelled the attacks as
"ETA's bloodiest attack."
GENERAL ELECTIONS
March 13, 2004 - Al Qaeda claim of responsibility via video
tape by a man speaking in Arabic with a Moroccan accent.
March 13, 2004 - Five people are arrested in connection to
the case 60 hours after the bombings. Three of those
arrested are Moroccans, and two are Indian. Prepaid phone
cards and a cell phone from backpacks found at the
bombing site link the five to the investigation.
In the investigations carried out after the bombings to find
out what went wrong in the security services, many individual
negligences and miscoordinations between different
branches of the police were found.
The group dealing with Islamist extremists was very small
and in spite of having carried out some surveillances, they
were unable to stop the bombings. Also some of the
criminals involved in the "Little Mafia" who provided the
explosives were police informants and had leaked to their
case officers some tips that were not followed up on.
The tense political atmosphere in Spain in the period running
up to the elections brought the PP to the edge of a political
catastrophe. On one hand, José María Aznar was aggressively
opposed to any dialogue with ETA, and based most of his
campaign on the threat of terrorism (the September 11
attacks in New York reinforced his view of the war against
the terrorists).
On the other hand, Aznar's friendship with U.S. president
George W. Bush led him to support the 2003 invasion of Iraq
against the views of the overwhelming majority of the
population (resulting in the biggest demonstrations ever
seen in Spain since the restoration of democracy in the late
1970s)
March 14, 2004 - The Spanish Interior Ministry releases the
names of five people detained in connection with the attacks.
The men were identified as Jamal Zougam, Mohamed
Bekkali, Mohamed Cahoui, Vinay Kohly and Sureh Komar.
March 14, 2004 – General elections take place, PSOE’s victory
Iran-Contra Affair
 Also known as "Irangate”
 a mid-1980s political scandal in the United States.
 President Ronald Reagan's administration sold arms to
Iran, an avowed enemy. At the time, Americans were being
held hostage in Lebanon, and it was hoped that Iran would
influence the release
 Iran was in the midst of the Iran-Iraq War, and could find
few nations willing to supply it with weapons.
 The U.S. diverted proceeds from the sale to the Contras,
anti-Communist guerrillas fighting the elected socialist
Sandinista government of Nicaragua.
 Both the sale of weapons and the funding of the Contras
violated the Boland Amendments of Congress.
 July 1985 the Israeli government approached
the Reagan administration with a proposal to
get hostages held by Hezbollah in Lebanon
released.
 Israel would act as an intermediary and sell
arms (missiles) to Iran for the U.S. in
exchange for Iran’s help in getting hostages
released.
 In December 1985, President Reagan signed
a secret presidential "finding" describing the
deal as "arms-for-hostages."
 The arms were eventually sold However,
Hezbollah proceeded to take more hostages
after they had released old ones, and failing
to produce any meaningful results, the arms-
for-hostages program was finally cancelled.
 The Reagan administration had been helping the Contras since
November 1981
 Boland Amendment blocked military aid to the Contras- no
covert military assistance.
 The Reagan administration went around the amendments by
using the National Security Council to supervise covert support.
 The NSC proceeded to raise private and foreign funds for the
Contras. In addition, proceeds from the arms sales to Iran were
used to purchase arms for the Contras in an arrangement
instituted by Colonel Oliver North and aide to National Security
Advisor John Poindexter. The Enterprise.
 Eugene H. Hasenfus was an unemployed construction worker
from Wisconsin who got secured work as a cargo handler for the
CIA. He was aboard the cargo plane shot down over Nicaragua
on October 5, 1986 while delivering illegal weapons to the
Nicaraguan Contras.
Iran-Contra Affair
 U.S. Attorney General Edwin Meese on Nov.
25, 1986 admitted that profits from weapons
sales to Iran were made available to assist the
Contra rebels in Nicaragua.
 Senate Committee- “The Tower Committee”
would be looking into the matter.
 President Reagan said he had not been
informed of the operation.
 The U.S. Congress issued its final report on Nov.
18, 1987, which stated that the President bore
"ultimate responsibility" for wrongdoing by his
aides and his administration exhibited "secrecy,
deception and disdain for the law."
 Oliver North and John Poindexter were indicted
on multiple charges on March 16, 1988
 Reagan survived the scandal, and would see his
approval ratings return to previous levels
Conflict in Nicaragua
 Aug. 1986, before Iran-Contra Affair,
congress voted $100 million for military aid
to Contra’s.
 1987- Central American Peace Accord-
countries signed to end all outside aid to to
guerilla groups.
 1990- Sandanistas allowed free elections and
the opposition won.
 Civil War continued in El Salvador.
Seguridad Internacional t

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Seguridad Internacional t

  • 1.
  • 2. Terror Hits Home: The Oklahoma City Bombing
  • 3.  On the morning of April 19, 1995, an ex-Army soldier and security guard named Timothy McVeigh parked a rented Ryder truck in front of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in downtown Oklahoma City. He was about to commit mass murder.
  • 4.  Inside the vehicle was a powerful bomb made out of a deadly cocktail of agricultural fertilizer, diesel fuel, and other chemicals. McVeigh got out, locked the door, and headed towards his getaway car. He ignited one timed fuse, then another.  At precisely 9:02 a.m., the bomb exploded.  Within moments, the surrounding area looked like a war zone. A third of the building had been reduced to rubble, with many floors flattened like pancakes. Dozens of cars were incinerated and more than 300 nearby buildings were damaged or destroyed.  The human toll was still more devastating: 168 souls lost, including 19 children, with several hundred more injured.
  • 5.  Coming on the heels of the World Trade Center bombing in New York two years earlier, the media and many Americans immediately assumed that the attack was the handiwork of Middle Eastern terrorists.  The FBI, meanwhile, quickly arrived at the scene and began supporting rescue efforts and investigating the facts. Beneath the pile of concrete and twisted steel were clues. And the FBI was determined to find them.
  • 6.  It didn’t take long. On April 20, the rear axle of the Ryder truck was located, which yielded a vehicle identification number that was traced to a body shop in Junction City, Kansas. Employees at the shop helped the FBI quickly put together a composite drawing of the man who had rented the van. Agents showed the drawing around town, and local hotel employees supplied a name: Tim McVeigh
  • 7.  A quick call to the Bureau’s Criminal Justice Information Services Division in West Virginia on April 21 led to an astonishing discovery: McVeigh was already in jail. He’d been pulled over about 80 miles north of Oklahoma City by an observant Oklahoma State Trooper who noticed a missing license plate on his yellow Mercury Marquis. McVeigh had a concealed weapon and was arrested. It was just 90 minutes after the bombing.
  • 8.  From there, the evidence began adding up. Agents found traces of the chemicals used in the explosion on McVeigh’s clothes and a business card on which McVeigh had suspiciously scribbled, “TNT @ $5/stick, need more”.  They learned about McVeigh’s extremist ideologies and his anger over the events at Waco two years earlier. They discovered that a friend of McVeigh’s named Terry Nichols helped build the bomb and that another man— Michael Fortier—was aware of the bomb plot.
  • 9.  The bombing was quickly solved, but the investigation turned out to be one of the most exhaustive in FBI history. No stone was left unturned to make sure every clue was found and all the culprits identified.  By the time it was over, the Bureau had conducted more than 28,000 interviews, followed some 43,000 investigative leads, amassed three-and-a-half tons of evidence, and reviewed nearly a billion pieces of information.
  • 11.  On August 7, 1998, nearly simultaneous bombs blew up in front of the American embassies in Nairobi, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Two hundred and twenty-four people died in the blasts, including 12 Americans, and more than 4,500 people were wounded.
  • 12.  In the aftermath of the attacks, over 900 FBI agents alone—and many more FBI employees—traveled overseas to assist in the recovery of evidence and the identification of victims at the bomb sites and to track down the perpetrators.
  • 13.  Under US. Federal law, the FBI is mandated with the responsibility of investigating certain crimes committed against American persons and property abroad.  The attacks against the Embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam fall under this mandate. Within hours of the bombings, FBI personnel were dispatched to East Africa to assist the Kenyan Criminal Investigative Division (CID) and Tanzanian CID in conducting crime scene forensic examinations, as well as investigative interviews, searches and arrests.  The information was primarily developed as a result of these investigations at Nairobi and Dar es Salaam.
  • 14.  It should be noted however, that a significant reason for the success of these investigations to date has been the willingness of the Kenyan, Tanzanian and many other friendly foreign governments to assist and facilitate the investigative efforts when possible.  The FBI recognizes that this spirit of cooperation has been, and will continue to be, very important to the ability in countering the very real threat posed by Usama Bin Ladin and his affiliates to the safety of ordinary people worldwide.
  • 15. 11-M
  • 16. March 11, 2004 - At 7:37 a.m., coordinated attacks including 10 bombs on four commuter trains at three different stations, kill 191 people and wound more than 1,800. March 11, 2004 - Spanish Interior Minister Angel Acebes states that authorities can't rule out the possibility the bombings "might be linked with the Arab world." Al Qaeda is known for large, coordinated attacks.
  • 17.
  • 18. No group has admitted responsibility but Spain's government blames Basque separatist group Eta for the attacks which come ahead of Sunday's election. "There is no doubt Eta is responsible," said Spain's interior minister.
  • 19. "ETA had been looking for a massacre in Spain," the minister, Angel Acebes, said after an emergency cabinet meeting. "Unfortunately, today it achieved its goal," he told a news conference, saying the security services were certain ETA was behind the blasts.
  • 20. Investigators found an intact bomb in a gym bag they presumed was aboard one of the trains. The bag, with the bomb in it, was actually discovered at a police station, after it had been taken to the large temporary morgue at Madrid's main convention center fairgrounds. Inside they found a Spanish-made explosive, a detonator with a cell phone and a timer. The cell phone opened up "new lines of investigation. " The explosive found in the bag was not of the type usually used by ETA, but was instead a more "modern" version of ETA's usual dynamite.
  • 21. According to a report of the European Strategic Intelligence and Security Center (ESISC), the same morning of the bombings the Spanish Intelligence Services and Policy had concluded that the author of the massacre was an Islamist terrorist group, but they had been ordered by the government to deny this Islamist attribution and insist that the ETA were the only suspects, although this same source also states that there is no precedent of collaboration of international Islamists with non-Muslims, and there were two non-Muslims (and police informers) involved in the Madrid attacks.
  • 22. The government sent messages to all Spanish embassies abroad ordering that they uphold the version that ETA was responsible. President José María Aznar even called a number of newspaper editors and publishers personally to ask for their support for this version.
  • 23. The Spanish government maintained this theory for two days. Because the bombs were three days before the general elections in Spain, the situation had many political interpretations. The massacre also took place exactly two and a half years after the 11 September attacks on the United States in 2001. Other interpretations of this date since 9/11 points out that the bombing took place 911 days exactly since the 11 September terrorist attack. The United States also initially believed ETA was responsible, then questioning if Islamists were responsible. Spain's third largest newspaper ABC, immediately labelled the attacks as "ETA's bloodiest attack."
  • 25. March 13, 2004 - Al Qaeda claim of responsibility via video tape by a man speaking in Arabic with a Moroccan accent. March 13, 2004 - Five people are arrested in connection to the case 60 hours after the bombings. Three of those arrested are Moroccans, and two are Indian. Prepaid phone cards and a cell phone from backpacks found at the bombing site link the five to the investigation.
  • 26. In the investigations carried out after the bombings to find out what went wrong in the security services, many individual negligences and miscoordinations between different branches of the police were found. The group dealing with Islamist extremists was very small and in spite of having carried out some surveillances, they were unable to stop the bombings. Also some of the criminals involved in the "Little Mafia" who provided the explosives were police informants and had leaked to their case officers some tips that were not followed up on.
  • 27. The tense political atmosphere in Spain in the period running up to the elections brought the PP to the edge of a political catastrophe. On one hand, José María Aznar was aggressively opposed to any dialogue with ETA, and based most of his campaign on the threat of terrorism (the September 11 attacks in New York reinforced his view of the war against the terrorists). On the other hand, Aznar's friendship with U.S. president George W. Bush led him to support the 2003 invasion of Iraq against the views of the overwhelming majority of the population (resulting in the biggest demonstrations ever seen in Spain since the restoration of democracy in the late 1970s)
  • 28. March 14, 2004 - The Spanish Interior Ministry releases the names of five people detained in connection with the attacks. The men were identified as Jamal Zougam, Mohamed Bekkali, Mohamed Cahoui, Vinay Kohly and Sureh Komar. March 14, 2004 – General elections take place, PSOE’s victory
  • 29. Iran-Contra Affair  Also known as "Irangate”  a mid-1980s political scandal in the United States.  President Ronald Reagan's administration sold arms to Iran, an avowed enemy. At the time, Americans were being held hostage in Lebanon, and it was hoped that Iran would influence the release  Iran was in the midst of the Iran-Iraq War, and could find few nations willing to supply it with weapons.  The U.S. diverted proceeds from the sale to the Contras, anti-Communist guerrillas fighting the elected socialist Sandinista government of Nicaragua.  Both the sale of weapons and the funding of the Contras violated the Boland Amendments of Congress.
  • 30.  July 1985 the Israeli government approached the Reagan administration with a proposal to get hostages held by Hezbollah in Lebanon released.  Israel would act as an intermediary and sell arms (missiles) to Iran for the U.S. in exchange for Iran’s help in getting hostages released.  In December 1985, President Reagan signed a secret presidential "finding" describing the deal as "arms-for-hostages."  The arms were eventually sold However, Hezbollah proceeded to take more hostages after they had released old ones, and failing to produce any meaningful results, the arms- for-hostages program was finally cancelled.
  • 31.  The Reagan administration had been helping the Contras since November 1981  Boland Amendment blocked military aid to the Contras- no covert military assistance.  The Reagan administration went around the amendments by using the National Security Council to supervise covert support.  The NSC proceeded to raise private and foreign funds for the Contras. In addition, proceeds from the arms sales to Iran were used to purchase arms for the Contras in an arrangement instituted by Colonel Oliver North and aide to National Security Advisor John Poindexter. The Enterprise.  Eugene H. Hasenfus was an unemployed construction worker from Wisconsin who got secured work as a cargo handler for the CIA. He was aboard the cargo plane shot down over Nicaragua on October 5, 1986 while delivering illegal weapons to the Nicaraguan Contras.
  • 32. Iran-Contra Affair  U.S. Attorney General Edwin Meese on Nov. 25, 1986 admitted that profits from weapons sales to Iran were made available to assist the Contra rebels in Nicaragua.  Senate Committee- “The Tower Committee” would be looking into the matter.  President Reagan said he had not been informed of the operation.
  • 33.  The U.S. Congress issued its final report on Nov. 18, 1987, which stated that the President bore "ultimate responsibility" for wrongdoing by his aides and his administration exhibited "secrecy, deception and disdain for the law."  Oliver North and John Poindexter were indicted on multiple charges on March 16, 1988  Reagan survived the scandal, and would see his approval ratings return to previous levels
  • 34. Conflict in Nicaragua  Aug. 1986, before Iran-Contra Affair, congress voted $100 million for military aid to Contra’s.  1987- Central American Peace Accord- countries signed to end all outside aid to to guerilla groups.  1990- Sandanistas allowed free elections and the opposition won.  Civil War continued in El Salvador.